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SPEECH 






liRICHARD YEADON, ESQ. 

OF CHARLESTON, S. C, CHAIRMAN OF THE DELEGATION, FROM 
THE CLAY CLUB OF CHARLESTON, 



V V 



ft 

m 



BEFORE THE LADIES, 



I COURT-HOUSE, IN MADISON, GEORGIA, 



BY APPOINTMENT OF THE MADISON CONVENTION. 



ON THE 



EVENING OF JULY 31st, 1844. 



Published by request of the Clay Club of Charleston, S. C. 



CHARLESTON 
1844. 






SPEECH OF RICHARD YEADON, Esq., 



OF CHARLESTON, SOUTH-CAROLINA. 



CHAIRMAN OF THE DELEGATION, FROM THE » l.AY CLUB OF CHARLESTON 

BEFORE THE LADIES, 

AT THE COURT-HOUSE, IN MADISON, GEORGIA, 

BY APPOINTMENT OF THE MADISON CONVENTION, 

ON THE EVENING OF JULY 31st, 1844. 

PUBLISHED BY REQUEST OF THE CLAY CLUB, OF CHARLESTON, S. C. 



JL4DIES AND GENTLEMEN: AND YET FELLOW WHIGS ALL! 



Never before has it been my lot to witness 
such a grand, exciting and joyous spectacle as 
I have beheld this day, — never before did my 
eye embrace, at one glance, such a vast con- 
course of human beings — all animated too by 
impulses of the noblest and purest patriotism. 
On an occasion so grateful and refreshing to 
the patriot heart, I have but one regret — it is 
that, at a period, when I especially desired, 
with trumpel tongue and tones of thunder, to 
reach every Whig ear and thrill every Whig 
bosom in this vast assemblage, I should be al- 
most speechless and voiceless, [Mr. Y. was so 
hoarse, at first, as to speak and be heard with 
difficulty,] but it is my consolation that if I 
have lost my voice, it has been in the cause of 
Clay and my country; and I trust and pray 
that Providence will yet interpose and restore 
me voice enough, this night, to do my duty to 
the ladies, to our cause, and to our country. I 
am about to do an act, which, in this land and 
. chosen home of extemporaneous speaking and 
stump oratory, may require an apology. I arn 
about to deliver you a speech in part prepared 
for another occasion. And, perhaps, alter the 
scene of this day, where the accomplished Ber- 

0^, rien poured forth a full tide of polished rheto- 
ric, — where the gifted Preston, with a mind tri- 
jk umphing over physical infirmity, and speaking 
■at the peril of his life, was never more trium- 

Bjg|khant in the lightnin^ flash of genius and the 
■perfection of oratorical art,— where the able 

I 



and humorous Thompson took his audience 
alike captive to reason, wit and feeling, and 
iln' impetuous and caustic Stephens struck 
home the victorious argument, and covered the 
enemy with a meteoric shower of anecdote and 
ridicule, it is but fitting that I should not at- 
tempt the adventurous competition of a purely 
extemporaneous effort. True, it is, I might 
have committed my speech to memory, and 
palmed it off on you, fair and unsuspecting 
ladies, as the emanation of the occasion, flow- 
ing from the inspiration of your constellated 
beauty, where there are bright eyes to form the 
poet's theme, and dark lashes' to plume the 
muse's wing; but, being a Whig, a genuine 
Whig, I scorn the tricks and arts of democra- 
cy, and, without deception or disguise, feel 
bound to confess the simple truth. Such, how- 
ever, is the glad and buoyant inspiration of this 
memorable day and this beaming presence, that 
I cannot promise to confine myself to the re- 
cord — my feelings naturally refuse to be "cab- 
in'd, cribb'd confin'd" within the limits of pre- 
paration, and I cannot but pour out the teeming- 
thoughts yet pent up in my bosom. Indeed, 
ever since I first touched the Whig soil, and 
breathed the Whig atmosphere of Georgia 1 
have felt as if I were inhaling nitrous oxyde, 
and have been lifted up to the seventh heaven 
of patriotic and joyous excitement — and, if there 
be a yet higher heaven on earth, it is that of 
this constellated throng of Georgia's daughters, 






Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



assembled, in grace and loveliness, to lay the 
votive offering on the altar of patriotism, and 
cheer the sterner sex with "the smile from par- 
tial beauty won," in their efforts to serve their 
country, by elevating to her chief magistracy 
an illustrious and patriot statesman, eminently 
qualified and eminently worthy to guide the 
helm of state. And, animated by the influ- 
ences of this inspiring spectacle, I feel like a 
prophet, standing on the tripod, and vaticinating, 
in the spirit of truth, the entire success of our 
cause and the triumphant election of our can- 
didate. Having now, fair ladies, shown that I 
can extemporize, if I will, and that to do other- 
wise is my choice, not my necessity, without 
farther preface, I proceed to speak from the 
record, as far as the exigencies of the occasion 
will permit. 

Ladie.s and Gentlemen, and 

Fellow Whigs op the State of Georgia: 
On behalf of the Whigs of South-Carolina, 
"few, but firm and faithful," I tender you the 
right hand of fellowship, in the great and glo- 
rious and righteous cause, which has convened 
you, in immense and patriot throng, on this 
spot, honored with and commemorating the 
name of the sage of Montpelier. We cannot 
bring you the electoral vote of a State, to swell 
the triumph of your illustrious candidate,— but 
we can, we do bring you our warm sympathy, 
our ardent wishes, our earnest prayers, for the 
success of your candidate, and the triumph of 
your cause — the cause at once of principle and 
of our country. The Savannah River is no 
longer "the non-conductor," it was once said 
to be, happily and with truth — i. e. when South 
Carolina nullification, or State Rights run mad, 
sought to cross your border, and poison your 
people with its criminal heresies, disunion ten- 
dencies and treasonable spirit — but it is now 
the aorta, the great political artery, which ani- 
mates the harmonious body of Southern Whigs, 
who dwell on the opposite borders of its com- 
mercial tide. We come among you to swell 
the enthusiasm which has called such cheering 
numbers — the bone and sinew — the patriotism 
and intelligence — the grace and loveliness of 
your gallant State— to this great, this trium- 
phant Whig gathering and festival. We come 
to unite with you in the promotion of the great 
cause and the great principles, identified with 
the best interests and highest glory of our land, 
which have rallied you under the banner of a 
renowned leader, destined, I firmly believe, not 
only to win triumphantly and wear with grace 
the highest honor of the republic, but also to 
redeem and save our country from the baneful 
consequences and disastrous influences of po- 
litical treachery, and democratic misrule, — a 
treachery unparalleled on the historic page, the 
chosen, the elevated and the trusted, selfishly 
and suicidally wresting power from his party, 
in the hour of his and their common triumph, 
and rendering victory barren and more galling 
than defeat — a misrule, disseminating the most 
mischievous and disorganizing principles in 
politics, setting the constitution at defiance and 



subjecting it to the Executive or the popular 
will, refusing to elect Senators to the national 
Senate, nullifying the law districting the States 
for Congressional Elections, setting up the rev- 
olutionary power of mere numbers, of brute 
force, against organized authority, mowing 
down the credit and prosperity of the country, 
bankrupting its treasury, sapping the founda- 
tions of public morals, and giving peculation 
free pasturage from the national coffers, disre- 
garding the obligation of contracts and treaties, 
and tarnishing the faith and honor of the re- 
public—yes, a leader, destined to crown and 
bless that injured country with repose and pros- 
perity, in the restoration of a republican and 
constitutional administration of our national 
government, modelled after the example and 
imbued with the spirit and principles of Wash- 
ington, and having for its object, not the mere 
distribution of party spoils and perpetuation of 
party ascendancy, but the welfare and glory of 
our whole nation and our united people. We 
come among you, also, to exchange congratu- 
lations with you on the glad tidings, which have 
been recently borne to us on the wings of the 
mail, from the commercial emporium of the 
West. The first gun from the Whig battery, 
at the very commencement of the campaign, 
has carried confusion and dismay into the ranks 
of our opponents; and the Crescent City, and 
the border State, already the proud monuments 
of" triumph over the British invader, have been 
signalized by a civil victory, scarcely less im- 
portant and glorious than its war-laurelled 
forerunner, in the battle which has been just 
fought and won by patriot Whigs, over the 
combined forces of Tylerism and Democracy. 
But, in the midst of our rejoicings at this au- 
spicious and cheering event, the signal, I trust, 
of a succession of brilliant victories throughout 
the length and breadth of our land, let us not 
forget that this is but the inception of the con- 
test — that the great battle is yet to be fought on 
the national arena, and that we must remain 
harnessed for the conflict, and not dream of 
putting our armor off, until, after many a well 
fought field in every particular State of our glo- 
rious union, victory shall perch upon our na- 
tional banner, and our illustrious chief, wafted 
on the breath of millions into the Executive 
haven, shall receive the civic wreath from the 
hands of a grateful people, and enjoy the hom- 
age of patriot intelligence and patriot beauty. 
We have carried New-Orleans, the border city, 
and we have carried Louisiana, the border State 
of the South- West, the State most deeply in- 
terested in the annexation of Texas, in the very 
heat and tempest of the Texas excitement, and 
our triumph there, with such fearful odds against 
us, may well be regarded as a sure augury of 
the final victory and glorious consummation 
that awaits our arms. 

It occurs to me, fellow Whigs and ladies fair, 
that this is an apt and fitting occasion to com- 
pare notes with our political opponents — and 
that we cannot better perform this task than by 
institutinga comparison between the candidates, 
whom they and we have respectively presented 



Speech of Mr. Yeado?i, at Madison, Geo. 



to the people for the highest office in their gift. 
Nothing can he conceived more grating to the 
feelings of patriotism, and mortifying to the 
pride of true American Republicanism, using 
the terms in their broad national and not in a 
party sense, than the recent spontaneous and 
unanimous nomination of Mr. Polk, of Ten- 
, by the Democratic National Convention 
at Baltimore, as a candidate lor tin' Presidency 
of the United States. Hitheito, this proud of- 
fice — the proudest on earth, because the free 
and unbought gift of a nation of freemen — has 
been held the legitimate prize and reward of 
the most shining merit and illustrious public 
service. To Washington alone, the venerated 
and patriot father of our country, "first in war, 
first in peace, lirst in the hearts of his country- 
men," — to him alone, of all the illustrious citi- 
zens on whom it has hitherto been conferred, 
has it been tendered unsought. Adams, the elo- 
quent advocate, and Jefferson, the illustrious 
penman of independence, Madison, the patriot 
sage, and Jackson, the patriot hero, to say no- 
thing of their only less distinguished fellows in 
that exalted station, had to compete for it, not 
only on' the national arena, but even in their 
party hustings. But, in the nomination of Mr. 
Polk, we have the first instance, in all history, 
ancient and modern, of the spontaneous prof- 
fer of a chief magistracy, which monarchs may 
envy, — and for which they would willingly 
barter all the power of their sceptres and jew- 
elry of their crowns — to a man comparatively 
obscure and of inferior ability — forced on one 
occasion, by the stringent agency of party 
discipline, in obedience to presidential and iron 
rule, and in downright party revenge, into the 
Speakership of our National House of Repre- 
sentatives, — but filling it with such subservien- 
cy to his chief and his party, as not even to 
earn the universally accorded courtesy of a full 
or uncontested vote of thanks, at the end of his 
term (See Appendix, A.)— not long after 
ousted, by an overwhelming popular vole, 
from the Executive Chair of his own State, 
and again alike rejected when seeking a res- 
toration to the same — rejected by the people, 
after trial by the people — aye, weighed in the 
popular balances and found wanting — undis- 
tinguished by high public service, and des- 
titute of the least shadow of claim on the 
affections or the gratitude of the nation — 
without national renown, either as an orator, a 
statesman, a warrior, or a sage, — scarcely 
known to the people of any other State than his 
own, and awakening the almost universal in- 
quiry "Who is hel What is hel"— in his wild- 
est and most distempered dream of ambition, 
without a hope or even an aspiration, because 
without claim or pretension to so lofty or tow- 
ering a distinction; — to such a man, sitting 
quietly at home, a despairing candidate even 
for a nomination for the Vice-Presidency, we 
behold the so styled Democratic Convention 
of the Union, rising up enmasse, and offering, 
unsought, unhoped for and undesired, to his 
own utter surprise and the universal astonish- 
ment of the land, an homage, hitherto the pe- 



culiar distinction, the exclusive glory of Wash- 
ington alone. What a mortifying spectacle! 
Shades of the illustrious dead, 1 invoke you to 
aid us in avenging this insult to your memories, 
this wrong to your country. Cincinnatus, an 
illustrious warrior, as eminent in wisdom and 
virtue, as in valor, was spontaneously called, 
by the popular voice, from his lowly farm and 
humble plough, to guide the helm of imperilled 
Rome — Washington, the good and great, was 
spontaneously called, by filial love, to preside 
over the nation which owns him as its parent — 
and Mr. James K. Polk, of Tennessee, emi- 
nent in nothing, a national nobody, is to cap 
the downward climax in the historic record. 
Cincinnatus, Washington, James K.Polk!!! 
anti-climax unparalleled in the annals of com- 
position or the records of fact! Forbid it rea- 
son, forbid it patriotism, forbid it honor ! Let 
not our national escutcheon be tarnished by 
such a degradation of the Presidential office. 
It is a wretched sacrifice of the highest earthly 
incentive to a nation's highest service, by a na- 
tion's highest honor, to mere party availabili- 
ty — the conversion of the chief magistracy of 
the union into one of the spoils of party — no 
longer the guerdon and the pledge of illustrious 
merit, but a mere means and appliance of party 
domination, without reference to individual fit- 
ness or the nation's weal. It is carrying the 
doctrine and the maxim of "Principles, not 
men," to a most vicious extreme, never con- 
templated by its authors, for while repudiating 
man-worship, we should yet ever and only 
personify principle in a man to be honored and 
to be trusted. It is a mortifying abasement 
of the Presidential dignity, painful to the heart 
of the patriot, and the pride of the American — 
a mark of political and popular degeneracy, 
which it must be the part of patriot Whigs to 
prevent from leaving its impress on the times. 
But, fellow Whigs, and gentle ladies, I hold 
it to be utterly impossible that a man Darned 
James K. Polk can ever be President of the 
United States. With such an unseemly name, 
so full of odd and ludicrous associations, in- 
vincibly tempting one to poke fun at its posses- 
sor, he carries too much weight to compete 
with that glorious old courser our "Harry of 
the West." His unfortunate cognomen forci- 
bly reminds me of the luckless wight and 
wretched poetaster of Byron's time, with curi- 
ous and laughter-provoking name, who madly 
aspired to a place on the immortal roll of Brit- 
ish bards, and whom the noble and caustic 
poet thus embalmed in satiric verse for the de- 
rision of posterity. 

"Amos cotilc! Phoebna whal a name ! 

To fill the speaking trump of future fame." 

And how do the democracy hope to relieve 
their name-killed candidate from a like disas- 
trous and derisive destiny! They prate, in af- 
fected scorn, of our log cabins and hard eider, 
as a ridiculous mummery, and a resort to un- 
worthy and unbecoming arts to catch the rab- 
ble vote, unmindful that it was their own in- 
sulting application of those intended terms of re- 
proach to the lamented Harrison — they having 



Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



said, in unworthy disparagement of that illustri- 
ous man, "Give him two thousand dollars a 
year, and he will be content to live in a log cabin 
and drink hard cider for the rest of his life" — 
that gave them as watch-words to the Whigs, 
and caused them to be rung in triumph through 
the land. But they, who would thus upbraid us 
with the recoil of their own gun, are now busy 
in the novel and impossible effort of transform- 
ing a Polk-stalk into a Hickory-stick — as impos- 
sible as to convert a. poke-berry into a hickory nut, 
or a poke blossom into the noble magnolia of 
the Western forest. Yes ! they would fain have 
us believe that a common Polk-stalk of Ten- 
nessee is a Young Hickory, a strong and vigo- 
rous shoot from the venerable parent trunk at 
the Hermitage — and they stand ready to form 
their Hickory Clubs, establish their Hickory 
Newspapers, and nourish their Hickory poles 
all over the land, as a set off against our log 
cabins and homely beverage — but never, never 
will they be able to achieve the vegetable met- 
amorphosis, nor of a Polk-stalk to make a stick 
of any kind, strong enough to break, or even to 
bruise the head of the Whigs. It was a suffi- 
cient departure from reason, principle and pro- 
priety, when a Kinderhook cabbage was thrust 
into the White House; it will be a still further 
descent, nay, an immeasurable one, if Polk-salad 
is to be introduced into the Presidential man- 
sion. Democrats may have stomachs for such 
a dish, but Whigs, we trust, have a relish for 
better tilings. 

And, we are by no means singular in our 
estimate of this obscure, this little, this homoe- 
opathic democratic nominee. In his own Ten- 
nessee, the Whigs received the news of his 
nomination with unfeigned surprise, with bois- 
terous joy, with "an unextinguishable laughter 
that shook the skies." The Democrats, on the 
other hand, heard it with incredulity and dis- 
trust, — believing it a Whig hoax, nay, even 
calling it a Whig lie; and, when confirmation, 
strong as proof of holy writ, left them not a 
loop to hang a doubt upon, their scepticism 
gave place to dismay (See Appendix B). But 
let us enter a little more into particulars as to 
the merits of this infinitesimal pretender to 
Presidential honors, — and we will find that he 
has ever been a pliant and subservient tool of 
his master and his party, changing his opinions 
with a facility that denotes servility. He was 
known, in former days, as a strenuous advo- 
cate of internal improvements in the several 
States with the funds of the general govern- 
ment; but he has since conveniently adapted 
his opinions on the subject to the democratic 
standard (See Appendix C). He was once the 
Congressional champion of the deposite or pet- 
bank system (See Appendix D,) and made 
elaborate arguments, comparative of the merits 
of that scheme of finance and the sub-treasury 
or hard money system, in vehement advocacy 
of the former and denunciation of the latter, — 
but here, too, having the fear of his party and 
of the Old man at the Hermitage before his 
eyes, he has since pliantly conformed his views 
to the democratic taste. He was formerly a 



bitter and ultra opponent of the tariff and pro- 
tection to domestic manufactures, in any and 
every shape, and boasted of his ultraism in 
Congress and on the stump. Indeed, he car- 
ried his opposition so far, that he was even for 
repealing Mr. Clay's celebrated Compromise 
Bill (See Appendix E,) — that halcyon measure 
of peace and conciliation — as too favourable 
to the manufacturers — as yielding too much 
protection to domestic industry, — even at the 
hazard of renewing the strife which had con- 
vulsed the nation. But no sooner was he 
nominated for the Presidency — no sooner was 
the glittering bait of the chief Magistracy held 
up to his dazzled vision — than he was se- 
duced from his virtue, and his sturdy oppo- 
sition to the tariff' system, like the courage of 
Bob Acres, oozed out at his fingers' ends, and 
melted into a warm and zealous advocacy 
of incidental protection, coupled with a new- 
born friendship for the Compromise; and, still 
further, with a desire to advance the man- 
ufacturing, along with other national interests, 
npt only by revenue laws, but by all other 
means within the power of the government. 
He is said to have come, too, of Tory line- 
age (See Appendix F), or at least, from one 
who having first worn a Whig epaulette and 
a Whig sword, then took British protection, and 
was never afterwards seen in Whig service, and 
that this, perhaps, explains his repeated votes 
against paying pensions (See Appendix G,) 
to the revolutionary soldiers (and their wid- 
ows and orphans), who fought the battle of 
our independence, and won us, by their toils, 
their valour and their blood, the priceless 
heritage of freedom and glory that still are 
ours — and accounts for a like illiberality, dis- 
played in relation to the claim of Mr. Monroe, 
the patriot soldier, the distinguished diplomatist 
and cabinet minister, the virtuous and honored 
President of the republic — against the govern- 
ment for his revolutionary services (See Ap- 
pendix H), and actual sacrifices of his private 
property for the defence of the country in the 
war of the revolution. It is even said that he 
dodged a draft, for service in the militia when his 
country called him to do battle against the Brit- 
ish in the second war of independence. (See 
Appendix I,) — and the craven reason of this 
may become more manifest in the sequel. — 
Among other charges laid to his door are, that 
he voted in Congress, with signal want of hu- 
manity and charity, to refuse a small pittance 
of surplus wood at the Capitol, to the freezing 
poor of Washington, (See Appendix J) and al- 
so against a day of humiliation and prayer, du- 
ring the prevalence of the cholera, — that pesti- 
lence that walked in darkness and wasted 
at noon-day in our land — a measure which 
had passed the Senate, on the motion of Mr. 
Clay, and the joint and eloquent advocacy 
of him and Mr. Frelinghuysen (See Appendix 
K). As Speaker of the House of Represen- 
tatives, he gave the casting vote which shut 
out investigation into the abuses and outra- 
ges which caused the Florida war, and screened 
from exposure the monstrous peculation and 



Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



frauds of men of his party (See Appendix L). 
In spite of his own quoted declaration, that the 
people had a right to question fully and be fully 
answered on all points, by candidates for public 
office, he has refused to answer whether he is 
for the annexation on the terms id' the treaty 
(See Appendix M); and, while Governor of 
Tennessee he was presented as a nuisance and 
for neglect of duty by a grand jury of his own 
State (See Appendix N). 

Let us next suffer Mr. Polk to be weighed 
in the balances, by those who now profess 
to be his warm friends and admirers and ar- 
dent supporters for the Presidency. Let us 
exhibit hi in as painted by his present friends. 
And first, we will put Gen. Crabb, of Alabama, 
as a witness on the stand. The General, al- 
though now a cordial supporter of Mr. Polk, 
was one of the fifty-seven, who, in the House of 
Representatives, refused him the usual cour- 
tesy of a vote of thanks, (See Appendix O,) on 
the expiration of his Speakership — a refusal, 
based on and justified by the partisanship, dis- 
played by Mr. Polk, in the packing of commit- 
tees, the ruling of points of order, and various 
other matters connected with his official station. 
Gen. C. would not even thank him as Speaker, 
and yet would make "the great un thanked" Pre- 
sident of the United States! Next, let us call 
Mr. Payne, of Alabama, into court — now ano- 
ther oi Mr. Polk's zealous lieutenants in the 
Presidential campaign. Mr. Payne being sworn 
[to testify as to Mr. Polk's qualifications, not 
tor the Presidency, but for the Vice Presidency,] 
deposeth (See Appendix P), "that the political 
capital of Gov. Polk is quite too limited to se- 
cure a nomination for the Vice Presidency from 
the republican party, unless he can pull down 
the fame of others whose shadow has fallen 
across the path of this posthumous bantling for 
the Vice Presidency," that "there is a well- 
founded suspicion — a reasonable doubt of his 
personal courage," and "he is totally unfit for 
the office of Vice President of the U. S.;" "that, 
however honorable he may be, if he is a cow- 
an!, he cannot maintain his honor, and hence is 
disqualified for the office of Vice President," 
"that he had been insulted day after day, and 
was caughl roughly by the arm [by Mr. Wise,] 
when escaping from the capitol, pulled round 
and told that he was the "contemptible tool of a 
petty tyrant," and "that he did not resent it;" 
"that he had been twice repudiated in his own 
State by large majorities— 'defeated by an inex- 
perienced politician," "that his name would not 
add one particle of strength to the ticket in any 
State of the Union" — "that he had been run 
twice for Governor of Tennessee lately, and 
had been (wire defeated, both times most sig- 
nallv," and "this was conclusive that Tennessee 
could nut be carried if Gov. Polk was upon the 
ticket," "that it is due to the principles demo- 
crats profess, not to jeopard their success by 
vain attempts to force upon the people of Tennes- 
see a man whom they have twice refused to 
honor," "that Gov. Polk has no greater claims 
upon the people of this Union than any other 
man of equal ability who has faithfully main- 



tained the principles of his party"; "that there 
are now at least one hundred men in the Union, 
[he might have said safely one hundred thou- 
sand,] who have served their party as long, as 
ably and as faithfully as Gov. Polk, whose 
claims are fully equal to his, but whose names 
have never been mentioned in connexion with 
the Vice Presidency and possibly never will be;" 
and "that Tennessee democrats should aban- 
don this system of puffing, blowing and swell- 
ing, by which a toad may be magnified into 
the dimensions of an ox." Yet Mr. Payne is 
now desirous that the little rejected of Tennessee 
should become the great accepted of the Union; 
wishes to intrude this unfit man for the Vice 
Presidency into the Presidency; to constitute this 
"coward," who pocketed an insult, Comman- 
der-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the Uni- 
ted States, to inflate this "toad"intoan "ox," and 
to entrust this King Log, nay this broken and 
bruised reed, this worthless Polk-stalk, with the 
destinies of our great republic. 

Here, too, may be properly brought in the 
testimony, not of one of Gov. Polk's new con- 
verts, but of a genuine Tennessee Whig, the 
high-mettled Peyton, who broke out on the 
Tennessean candidate in a perfect storm of 
scathing ridicule, representing his nomination 
as the birth of a ridiculous mouse from the la- 
boring mountain, and holding him up to deris- 
ion as "a little beaten, broken-winded, foun- 
dered, spring-halt, shuffling, spavined, bob-tail 
nag of Tennessee, brought out, by the great 
democratic party, for the four mile heat, at the 
fall races, to be run against the great eclipse." 
(See Appendix CI.) 

The last witness is the Editor of the Charles- 
ton Mercury, now a reluctant supporter of the 
"sail trimming" candidate. We learn from his 
paper of December 14, 1835, that "the Presi- 
dent [Gen. Jackson], doubtless, has been not a 
little gratified in the success of Mr. Polk [as 
Speaker of the House of Representatives], 
which, it is said, he regards and enjoys as a 
severe 'punishment of and signal triumph over those 
refractory subordinates, Messrs. White and Bell." 
From the same paper of March 3, 1836, we 
learn [through its copy from the U. S. Tele- 
graph, Gen. Duff Green's paper,] that 

"The House, yesterday, reversed the decis- 
ion of the Speaker [Mr. Polk], relative to the 
effect of Mr. Pinckney's [of S. C.,] resolution 
on the abolition petitions to be presented here- 
after. They reversed it by a vote of 147 to 50, 
all his Van Buren friends, with few exceptions, 
voting to reverse his decision. One would have 
supposed that this would have mortified the 
Hon. Speaker. His countenance shewed that he 
was delighted at. it. It was an arranged affair. 
In order to sustain Mr. Polk at home, he was 
allowed to give a decision against the party, 
which would be acceptable to his constituents, 
and then the party reversed his decision to ad- 
vance the ultimate objects of the party." — 
(Washington Correspondence of the Mercury.) 
Lastly, the Correspondence of the same paper, 
on the 13th April, 183G, gives the following pic- 
true of Mr. Polk's arbitra ry conduct to Mr. Wise, 



6 



Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



and Mr. W.'s unresented insult to Mr. Polk. 
Mr. Wise, having been speaking on Mr. Pinck- 
ney's resolutions, Mr. Polk as Speaker said — 

"Order! the gentleman from Virginia is ta- 
king too wide a range — will the House permit 
such disorder." At last, upon being ordered, in 
a frowning, peremptory manner, not for per- 
sonality to any one, but for not, in the opinion 
of the chair, being at the point — for irrele- 
vancy — he [Mr. W] took his seat, under a 
high state oi excitement, and the Speaker then 
so managed it, as to obtain a vote of the major- 
ity that he [Mr. W.J should not proceed at all, 
and that he should be silenced for irrelevancy. 
He obtained this vote by an artifice, &c. &c.*** 
Nothing of the kind has ever before occurred 
since the origin of the government. To silence 
a member for irrelevancy was wholly unprece- 
dented in the American Congress, until the ad- 
ministration of the prerogatives of the chair by 
James K. Polk."****Mr. Wise, under the im- 
pulse of the moment, chafed, irritated, brow- 
beaten and trodden down, met Mr. Polk alone, 
after the adjournment of the House, and told 
him, with his finger almost pointing in his eye, 
"that he was a petty tyrant — he meant it as a 
personal insult and he might pocket it." Aye, 
and he did pocket it, and it has remained in "his 
pocket ever since ! 

Hear too, what the hero of the Withlacnoo- 
chee said on this subject: — "The gallant Clinch 
alluding to his [Mr. P.'s] conduct under Wise's 
insult, in a recent speech before the Savannah 
Clay Club, emphatically asked whether the 
American people would place at the head of 
their affairs, as Commander-in-Chief of the Ar- 
my and Navy, a man who had not the personal 
courage to resent an insult to both himself, 
and patron Gen. Jackson, though it had been 
cast sneeringly and pointedly into his teeth. — 
True, the General said, Mr. Polk had been 
trained by the Old Lion at the Hermitage, but 
the event proved that, although the Lion might 
train a fox, he could neither impose the lion 
heart, nor bestow the lion nerve." 

From the contemplation of such a portrait, 
well may the Whigs turn with pride and de- 
light to the illustrious candidate, whom they 
have offered to the nation for the highest office 
in the popular gift. He may well be said to be 
one, on whom every God doth seem to set his 
seal to give the world assurance of a man, and 
on whom the nation has long since set its mark 
as the foremost citizen of the republic; one, 
who, to borrow Mr. Peyton's, as well a.s Shaks- 
peare's phrase, can no more be compared with 
the democratic candidate, than Hyperion to 
a Satyr. Born of a Baptist clergyman, killed 
by the tories in his son's infancy, he was reared 
in poverty, and, having passed through a boy- 
hood and youth of privation, embarrassment 
and obscurity, the Mill- boy of the Slashes, who 
was wont to ride to mill, bare back and with 
rope-bridle, the grocer's clerk, and attorney's or 
chancellor's amanuensis of Richmond, removed 
to the more congenial soil of Kentucky, and 
emerged, in the very first stage or rather incep- 
tion of manhood, from the cloud which over- 



shadowed the morning of his life, and rose at 
once, by the force of talent and merit, to the 
meridian height of professional, oratorical and 
intellectual eminence. Known and hailed, at 
home, as "the great Commoner of Kentucky," 
he soon earned a fame which transferred hi in 
from a local field of action to the great theatre 
of national renown, and gave to the Union and 
the nation talents, and counsels and services, 
too expansive and important to find a fitting em- 
ployment within the confines of a single State — 
and the genius, which had so soon reached the 
zenith of Kentucky, now culminated on the 
national meridian. From that period to the 
present day, he has largely influenced the le- 
gislation, the history and the destiny of the re- 
public, by a long and eminent course of public 
service, at home, abroad, in the Senate, in the 
cabinet and in the diplomatic bureau. On his 
first appearance, as a member of the national 
House of Representatives [ha vingbeen twice be- 
fore temporarily in the Senate of the Union,] he 
received the unparallelled honor of being elected 
to the Speaker's chair. With trumpet tongue 
and clarion note, in honorable and patriotic 
companionship with our own Lowndes, Cheves 
and Calhoun, and other great compeers, he 
roused the nation to the War of 1812, and ani- 
mated the war-spirit of the people throughout 
the entire contest, imtil the star-spangled ban- 
ner was illuminated with the glory of numer- 
ous victories, by land and sea, over our giant 
enemy, and the insulted honor and multiplied 
wrongs of the nation were amply avenged — 
and, with statesmanlike sagacity and skill, he 
closed a glorious war by the negotiation and 
consummation of an honorable and a lasting 
peace. On his return fiom the foreign service 
of the republic, again we find him assuming 
his high and wonted part in the hall of legisla- 
tion, proposing or advocating useful and patri- 
otic measures and laws for the nation's good — 
and when dissension and discord invaded our 
national legislature, and the Missouri question 
sat like a brooding mischief on our counsels, 
boding disruption to our blood-bought Union, 
the same trumpet tongue, which anon had 
sounded the alarum of war, inspiring the heart 
and nerving the arm for battle, was mellowed 
and softened into persuasion and pathos, and 
his patriot wisdom and glorious eloquence 
achieved a new and even more honorable tri- 
umph, in the healing of fraternal dissension, 
and the restoration of national concord. The 
Union, which had rocked fearfully and been 
swayed to and fro with earthquake commotion, 
was again set firm on its base, the troubled wa- 
ters subsided into auspicious rest, and all was 
calm and peace. To an ardent and liberal pat- 
riotism, ever mindful of the great concerns of 
his own country, he added an expansive sym- 
pathy which embraced the interests of other 
lands; and classic Greece, in her struggle for 
liberty and independence against the ruthless 
and oppressive Turk, and the young republics 
of Spanish America were themes on which 
his mouth frequently spoke from the eloquent 
abundance of his heart; and when, at the head 



Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



of the State Department, under the Presidency 
of the younger Adams, while conducting the 
foreign relations of the country with the ability 
and virtue of a patriot statesman, and the skill 
of a finished diplomatist, his eloquent and touch- 
ing Inter of counsel and admonition to Bolivar, 
to emulate the virtue and self-denial and patri- 
otism of Washington, relieved and graced the 
seriousness and gravity of his diplomatic cor- 
respondence with the spirit of benevolence and 
philanthropy (See Appendix R). Having won 
fiesh laurels as a cabinet minister, he resumed 
the pi irate station, but his own State soon sur- 
rendered him again to the service of the nation, 
and, leaving the rural shades and employments 
of his own quiet and romantic Ashland, he 
again stood "a Senator in the Senate House," 
bserved of all observers," the leader in 
debate, the source of delight to the ear, instruc- 
tion to the mind and service to the country. — 
Again, the cloud of evil portent, charged with 
the elements of fraternal strife, darkens the na- 
tional horizon — nullification threatens the hor- 
ii 1 calamity of civil war or the fatal catastro- 
phe of a dissolution of the Union. Once more 
the persuasive pleadings of our illustrious can- 
didate woo the halcyon to brood on the tempes- 
tuous and wave-crested deep — and the spit it of 
conciliation and compromise, in which our 
Union and our Constitution had their birth, was 
once more successfully invoked to preserve 
them both. The throes of revolution were 
hushed and stilled, as by the wand of the en- 
chanter, and, at the voice and beck of patriot- 
ism, peace and harmony again dwelt and reign- 
ed in our land. He who has thus twice pre- 
served the Union is thrice worthy to preside 
over that Union — worthy in himself, and doubly 
worthy in the work of salvation twice perform- 
ed to the imperilled republic. Eminently de- 
serving is he then, not only of Whig votes, but 
of a grateful nation's universal choice. Let 
North and South, East and West, — the rock-gin 
strand of New-England, with her enterprizing 
race ; the broad middle land with her numer- 
ous and busy population; the sunny South with 
her generous and chivalrous sons; the far and 
fertile West with her manly and sturdy fores- 
ters and hunters — rally with enthusiastic zeal 
to his glorious standard and go for "Clay and 
our country." 

Having thus closed my own portraiture of 
our illustrious candidate, and having previously 
given the likeness of Mr. Polk, as drawn and 
painted by his present friends, I proceed to ex- 
hibit Mr. Clay as painted, in the glowing colors 
of truth, by several of his recent and present 
enemies and revilers, before the meretricious 
charms of false democracy had seduced them 
from their political virlue, and their loyalty to 
the greatest statesman of our country. Before 
commencing this curious exhibition, however, 
permit me to show you in what estimation Mr. 
Clay was held by Thos. Jefferson, the apostle of 
state rights and father of democracy, of whom 
modern democrats profess to be the peculiar 
disciples. In a letter, dated Monticello, May 5, 
1823, Mr. Jefferson thus wrote of Mr. Clay, and 



shadowed forth his coming and elevated desti- 
ny. — "You ask my opinion of the merits of 
Henry Clay and his policy for the protection 
of domestic industry and manufactures. These 
are questions which I feel some delicacy about 
answering, first because Mr. Clay is now a 
candidate for the Presidency, and, secondly, 
I never yet fully understood to what ends his 
policy extends ; and, although I will advise you 
of my opinions, relative to the questions you 
put to me, I must beg that you will not, at this 
juncture, give my words to the public through 
the press. As for Mr. Clay, 1 consider him 

TO BE ONE OF THE MOST TALENTED AND BRILLIANT 
MEN AND STATESMEN THAT THE COUNTRY EVER 
PRODUCED, AND SHOULD I LIVE MANY YEARS 
LONGER, I HOPE TO SEE HIM HOLD THE PLACE OF 
CHIEF EXECUTIVE OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC 

His career thus jar has been a career of glory, and 
he has achieve*' that for his country, whilst engaged 
in his career, which, would ornament, the brightest 
place in the escutcheon of the most favored statesman 
of any age or nation." (See Appendix, S.) 

The next witness is one, who went as a dele- 
gate from Virginia to the Harrisburgh Conven- 
tion, and who, with all his Virginia co-dele- 
gates, and the entire Southern delegation, voted 
lor Henry Clay as the Whig nominee for the 
Presidency, in 1840, and who, on the defeat of 
Mr. Clay and the success of General Hatrison, 
actually shed tears at the unexpected result, and 
by those tears doubtless won his own nomination 
for the Vice-Presidency, and his ultimate eleva- 
tion, by the lamented death of his chief and su- 
perior, to the Executive chair — which he soon 
disgraced by a treachery to his party and to the 
true interests of his country, unparalleled in 
the history of political turpitude. We take his 
evidence as a Court of Justice would that of a 
witness to a will, who had become disqualified, 
since his attestation of the instrument — i. e. on 
proof of his handwriting. In a letter, dated 
June 20, 1810, to a Committee of Invitation to 
a dinner, to be given to Mr. Clay, by the people 
of his own native Hanover, Mr. Tyler wrote 
thus : — 

"Williamseurg, June 20, 1840. 

"Gentlemen — It would afford me no ordinary 
gratification to be present, in pursuance of your 
invitation, at Taylorsville, on the 27th instant, 
to partake of the dinner to be given to Mr. Clay 
by the citizens of his native county; but this is 
forbidden me, by considerations which I am 
not at liberty to disregard. Towards that dis- 
tinguished citizen I need scarcely say, that I 
entertain feelings of the highest admiration and 
regard. When the work of detraction was at its 
highest point, J lost unsuitable occasion to give cz- 
prt ssion to my » aliments concerning him, and hare. 
m ver failed to vindicate him, as far as vas in my 
power, against the malice oj his < m mies; awl nan;, 
when all men, seemingly of all parties, vnile in 
bearing testimony to his high, and exalted worth : 
and when recent, events have furnished him a new 
opportunity for the display of that nolle disi n> cr- 
est cdness for which he has through life been distin- 
guished, judge ye with what, pleasure I should, meet 
him on the soil of my old district, and in the midst of 



Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



my old constituents. As, however, this is denied 
me, nothing more remains to me than to wish 
you a most joyous and happy meeting. 

"I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your 
friend and servant, JOHN TYLER." 

Yet this man has become one of the chief 
revilers and traducers of Mr. Clay, merely be- 
cause he was overshadowed by a greatness 
which eclipsed his own, even in the Presiden- 
tial chair, and which stood as an obstacle, in 
the path of his selfish ambition. 

Next, the unfortunate Gilmer, victim of the 
shocking explosion of the trial gun on board of 
the Princeton — he who, but a little month or 
two before he turned democrat and foe to Mr. 
Clay, had boasted that "he was every inch a 
Whig" ! Here is his testimony to Mr. Clay's 
eminence and virtue, as "one of those great 
men whom Hanover had given to Virginia 
and Virginia to the World." 

"Charlottesville, June 20, 1840. 

"Gentlemen — On the eve of my departure 
from Richmond, I received your very cordial 
invitation to attend a Public Dinner, on the 27th 
inst., given by the citizens of Hanover, in honor 
of our distinguished countryman, Henry Clay. 
If I can complete some private business, which 
induced my absence from Richmond for a short 
time, it will afford me pleasure to be with you. 

"The occasion of Mr. Clay's visit to the 
scenes of his nativity, is not one for mere exul- 
tation. His fame, like his genius, belongs now 
to his country — his whole country, and nothing 
but his country ; and while every Virginian 
hails him as a native of our soil, the people of 
Hanover, without reference to parties, cannot 
fail to extend to him a welcome corresponding 
with their generous hospitality and his distinc- 
tion. There is something peculiarly touching 
in the intercourse which is about to be renewed 
between Mr. Clay and the people of Hanover. 
It carries us back through many an interesting 
epoch of our public history, to the time when a 
poor boy, from the Slashes, which have since 
teen distinguished as his birth-place, he entered 
the perilous career of life under the friendly 
auspices of that great and good man, George 
Wythe. The high stations which he has since 
filled, the important public services he has ren- 
dered, the distinguished consideration he has 
attained at home and abroad, the circumstances 
under which, after contributing so much for 
history, he returns to the spot consecrated to 
him by the recollections of childhood, — all 
serve to invest the occasion with sympathies 
and reflections, such as are not often suggested 
in the life of the statesman. 

"Mr. Clay stands, at this moment, on an em- 
inence where few ever stood before. After 
serving his country, in almost every capacity 
in which service can be required, he asks no- 
thing of his countrymen but a just and impartial 
judgment on the motives and the abilities which 
he has employed. If he were dead, and you 
designed to commemorate those ties [which 
death alone can sever] that bind the Virginian 
to his State, the people and the politicians, who 
have most strenuously opposed some of his 



views of policy, would be content to leave the 
past to history, while they would remember 
only that he was one of those great men whom Han- 
over had given to Virginia and Virginia to the 
world. And shall he be greeted with less en- 
thusiasm, because he yet lives, to look back 
from his present vantage ground, and feview 
the long course of his own experience, to revive 
with ancient recollections his fealty to the old 
principles of old Virginia, and to gain fresh 
vigor in her cause, from touching his mother's 
soil 1 Mr. Clay's history is full of examples 
of manly disinterestedness — and his present 
position enables him, more than any other man, 
to aid in giving to his country what he does not 
seek for himself- — to dedicate to public and 
patriotic ends what never should belong to 
party. 

"It is time, gentlemen, that (hose who arc entitled 
to the respect and gratitude oj their countrymen, 
should cease to be the objects of personal obloquy and 
'vituperation. Our national character has suf- 
fered too much and too long to appease the 
venom of party rancour. Our national pride 
should rejoice in the belief that there is much 
of private and public worth, which can and 
ought to survive our frequent political conflicts, 
and that a party triumph costs too dearly, when 
it attempts to dishonor names that must go 
down as our witnesses to posterity. 

"With assurances of my esteem and consid- 
eration, gentlemen, I remain, your obedient 
servant, THOS. W.GILMER." 

Mr. Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, comes 
next in order — the gentleman who inveighea 
vehemently, in speech and by letter, against 
members of Congress accepting appointments 
to office from the Federal Executive, and yet 
tried to bully himself into the French mission, 
and was finally glad to put up with an inferior 
appointment to the Brazilian Court! Thus did 
he — now one of the most scorpion-tongued of 
Mr. Clay's revilers — laud him as one "who had 

REFLECTED HONOR ON THE PLACE OF HIS BIRTH," 

although "a Henry was born there before 
him," and who had "maintained the reputa- 
tion of Virginia's sons," although "Virginia 
is the mother of heroes, statesmen and sa- 
ges" — as "an experienced teacher of eter- 
nal political truths and a witness of facts 
for freedom against freedom's foes." 

"Washington City, June 18, 1840. 

"Gentlemen — I have delayed answering 
yours of the 10th instant, in order to make ar- 
rangements, if possible, to accept its kind in- 
vitation to attend the dinner, in honor of Mr. 
Clay, by the citizens of his native county, at 
Taylorsville, on the 27th instant. 

"I need not tell you what I think of that man, 
Henry Clay, of Hanover. He has done for 
himself what friends and fortune can do for no 
man, and has acquired what neither friends 
nor foes can take from him — "a fame tor which 
himself has fought," and to which no man's 
praise can add, and from which no man's cen- 
sure can detract. And that fame is his reward. 
Office could not add a cubit to his stature. He 
has rrfacted honor on the place of his birth, and a 



Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



9 



Henry was barn, there before him; h has maintain- 
ed ike reputation oj Virginia's sons, and Virginia 

is the iiinih. r oj " •■' . , statesmi n and sages.' That 
is enough for any one man, and it is enough 
for you to claim him as your own — you honor 
yourselves in honoring Henry Clay- None 
can impeach his disinterestedness now, and I 
wish that all Virginia, all America could see 
him, as you \\ ill see him, and hear him as you 
will hear him — a teacher, an experienced tea- 
cher of eternal political trutlis, ami a witness 
of facts tin- freedom against freedom's foes. 
Heed him, 1 beseech u>n — heed him whilst you 
may. EL A. WISE*' 

The last witness, whom I shall put on the 
stand, is that accomplished artist, that finished 
limner, the editor of the Charleston Mercury — 
nut the locum tin, us, Imi the r ritable amphilryon, 
John A. Stuart, when he and Ids leader Mr. 
Calhoun and their whole party were Whigs, 
fighting under the same banner with Clay and 
Webster against the Jackson and Van Buren 
dynasty, and their hard money and other mea- 
sures of financial mischief and democratic 
misrule. Thus, on the 8th July, 1837, did liis 
glowing and tasteful pencil make the canvass 
speak eloquently the merits and virtues of our 
glorious < 'lay. 

"The partizans of Mr. Webster are still ob- 
truding him upon the opposition. Mr. W. will 
not do. The Northern Whigs may kick as 
they please, and talk of not submitting to South- 
ern dictation, &c, hut we tel! them plainly they 
cannot and shall not impose a candidate upon 
the opposition of the South. We have no con- 
fidence in Daniel Webster, and will not have 
him. * * * If we cannot have a 
Southern State Rights' man — if John C. Cal- 
houn, by going upon the forlorn hope of truth, 
is (politically) dead upon the ramparts — like a 
gallant steed fallen in front rank — borne down 
and trampled upon by the base rear — and can 
only hope for justice from those who shall look 
upon these disjointed times with the eyes of 
posterity. If /or a disvrvU restedn ss asove and u 
age, he is in b ■ sacri- 
ficed a martyr to principle, at least* < wn us to 
support iporthy of i enlhusia tic trust. 

GIVE US A MAN OF SOME NOBLE 
TRAITS, A BOLD, BRAVE, GALLANT, 
HIGH-MINDED MAN OF GENIUS,WHO, 
THOUGH WE SEE HIS POLITICAL 
ERRORS, WE CAN YET ASSURE OUR- 
SELVES CAN DO NOTHING MEAN. 
GIVE US SUCH A MAN FOR INSTANCE, 
AS HENRY CLAY. He would have our 
respect, our admiration — and we would be sure 
that his government would always be dignified 
and respectable. There is something heroic in 
Mm. Not solitary chieftain heroism] — oh! no 1 
but of a kind nut at all related to the humbug 
family. We would not throw ourselves into 
the arena for his support, but we would nol 
quarrel with the Northern Whigs for offering 
such a man for the suffrages of the opposition. 
We tell the Northern Whigs he is the only man on 
whom Ho n ni a, rn/hi '/ conquering party, unless 
the people come more suddenly to their senses 



than we have a right to expect, and at once do 
themselves the honor of rendering justice to the 
first man in the country." 

Yet lids editor, too, is now a reviling enemy 
of the subject of this lolly eulogy — but he can- 
not, if he would, undo his own immortal work — 
it will stand out in bold relief on the canvass 
b lere he painted it. in unfading and undying 
testimony at once of the artist's power and the 
glory. Yes, our noble "Harry of the 
West" is indeed "a bold, brave, gallant, high- 
minded man of genius," "worthy of an enthu- 
siastic trust and confidence," and both Southern 
and "Northern Whigs" will "rally", and have 
"rallied" on him, "a conquering party," and Will 
bi ;i him in triumph to the Presidential chair, 
there to confer honor and blessings on his 
country 

Such then is a faithful portraiture of the 
Whig candidate for the Presidency, as reflected 
from the mirror of his past history, and deline- 
ated with the pencil of truth, the artist aiming 
at the closest imitation of nature and adherence 
to the original as the very triumph and perfec- 
tion of art — and, gifted and adorned, as he is, 
with eloquence to move the popular assembly, 
or sway the Senate for the public good ; with a 
statesmanship of the highest administrative 
and intellectual order; with a wise moderation 
and a conservative spirit; with a patriotism, 
pure and expansive, national and not sectional; 
with qualities as a man to attach the hearts of 
friends and command the respect and admira- 
tion of foes ; with a renown, not only co-ex- 
tensive with our wide-spread union of States 
and Territories, but with our entire continent, 
and reflected back from enlightened Europe — 
we may confidently look to his coming and now 
certain elevation to the Presidency, for an ad- 
ministration of our national government, at 
once wise, patriotic and constitutional, and 
conducted in a spirit of compromise and con- 
ciliation — consulting all the great interests of 
the country and harmonizing them all — 
peaceful and useful at home, and respected 
in the great family of co-equal nations — 
dispensing public office, not as spoils among 
victors, not as plunder wrested from the 
vanquished, and surrendered to the merce- 
nary followers of the camp, but as national 
trusts, and as rewards to the "worthy and 
well qualified and properly vouched for," 
and introducing a wise and enlightened econo- 
my into government disbursements, wasting 
nothing in extravagance, yet liberal in useful 
expenditure — securing to the country a healthy 
system of finance, a sound national currency 
and a salutary equalization of exchanges, dif- 
fusing life and health through every vein and 
artery of national industry, and giving vigor 
and prosperity to agriculture, manufactures 
and commerce — fostering domestic industry, in 
all its various and varied branches, by a tariff 
of incidental protection, (within the revenue 
limit of an honestly and economically admin- 
istered government,) at once moderate, (See 
Appendix, T.) certain and durable, and substi- 
tuting permanency and stability for fluctuation 



10 



Appendix to the Speech of Mr. Yeadvn, at Madison, Geo. 



and change in our national policy — acquiring 
Texas, (if desirable) by negotiation, not by 
war, and consistently with national faith 
and national honor — (See Appendix, U.) — 
guarding the reserved rights of the States with 
a wholesome vigilance, and covering the pecu- 
liar rights of the South with the shield, and, if 
necessary, defending them with the sword of 
the Constitution — isolating the abolitionists for 
the scorn and detestation of the Union and the 
world, and causing even those criminal fanatics 
and traitors to the Constitution, "to pause in 
their mad and fatal course" (See Appendix, 
V.) ; and preserving our political Union, in its 
beautiful and happy combination of the nation 



with the confederacy, in its whole constitu- 
tional vigor, "as the sheet anchor of our safety 
at home, and the source of our strength and 
consideration abroad." 

And now, fellow Whigs, sons and daughters 
of generous and hospitable Georgia, let me give 
you, in conclusion, a watch-word and war-cry 
for our party, to be echoed and re-echoed, from 
sea-board to mountain and mountain to sea- 
board, until it forms the national chorus, on the 
success of our candidate — 

"Clay and our Country" — The man who has 
twice preserved the Union is thrice worthy to 
preside over its destinies. 



APPENDIX. 



(A.) Such was the partisanship carried by Mr. 
Polk into the office of Speaker, and displayed in 
packing committees, ruling points of order, and 
awarding the floor, that, at the expiration of his 
term of office, the usual courtesy of a vote of 
thanks, hithertounanimouslyawarded to the Speak- 
er, at the expiration of his official term, was, 
when moved by Mr. Elmore, of South-Carolina, 
warmly contested, and carried by almost a strictly 
party vote of Yeas, 94 — Nays, 57 — a thing un- 
paralleled in Congressional history. 

(B.) A Tennessee paper, in announcing the nom- 
ination of Mr. Polk, said — "First it was received 
with utter incredulity — the whole thing seemed 
improbable — impossible. Next doubt gave way 
to wonder and astonishment, and when this sub- 
sided, uncontrollable and boisterous laughter fol- 
lowed, as a matter of course." The Columbia 
(Tenn.) Observer, (Whig) said, "This news taxes 
our credulity, but pleases our fancy." And the 
paper, first above-named, adopted, from the Balti- 
more Patriot, the following clue to this mouse-like 
birth of the laboring mountain. "The nomination 
of Mr. Polk is the defeat, of Mr. Van Euren," 
but "is at the same time the work and triumph of 
Mr. Van Buren's friends. * * * * They (the 
friends of the other candidates) made Mr. V. B. 
the victim of contemptible intrigue, and it was but 
a fair return that he should hoist them with their 
own petard. They have, it is true, killed him with 
Texas and the two-thirds rule; but he is not with- 
out his own revenge. He has made a ghost of Mr. 
Calhoun. He has annihilated Cass. He has dis- 
tanced Buchanan — and he has, without the slight- 
est remorse, set up James K. Polk, to be shot at, 
for the amusement of all parties, during the ensu- 
.ng campaign." 



(C.) In a speech, delivered at the last session 
of Congress, Mr. Peyton, of Tenn., said — "He 
(Mr. P. ) had within his reach, though not here, a 
very precious document concerning this same Jas. 
K. Polk — an extract from a letter (as the Reporter 
understood, perhaps speech), in which he came out 
in favor of works of internal improvement, by the 
General Government, within the States." 

(D.) Mr. Polk, as Chairman of the Committee 
of Ways and Means, of the National House of 
Representatives, was the father of the pet-bank 
system, and an opponent of the sub-treasury scheme, 
by elaborate speech, as well as elaborate report. 
In his report on the pet-bank system, he first threw 
out the suggestion that the deposite banks should 
be encouraged to extend their loans, based on the 
public deposites, an intimation which was after- 
wards embodied in an official circular and recom- 
mendation of Mr. Taney, then Secretary of the 
Treasury, a recommendation, which, coupled with 
the exaction of interest by the government for the 
use of the public monies, led to the expansion of 
bank issues and consequent explosion of the bank- 
ing, system, to the immense loss of the government 
and the bankruptcy and ruin of many worthy and 
enterprising citizens. On the 15th May, 1843, 
Mr. Polk, while a candidate for Governer of Ten- 
nessee, on being interrogated by certain citizens 
of Shelby County, answered, that he was "in favor 
of the sub-treasury system, passed by Congress in 
1840 and repealed in 1841," and referred to his 
published addresses to the people of Tennessee, 3d 
April, 1839, and 28th March, 1841, in proof of the 
fact. Mr. Peyton, of Tennessee, thus rated him 
for his course — "He had been strongly opposed to 
the sub-treasury, and preferred State banks as 
places of deposite for public money. He consid- 



Appendix to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



II 



ercd them safer and in all respects to be preferred. 
Where did he stand now 1 Oh, now a sub-treasu- 
ry was the only safe place, 'Motley's your only 
wear.' " This is the only great public measure, 
with which Mr. Polk stands identified, and it 
resulted in disaster and bankruptcy to the go- 
vernment and the people! 

(E.) In his address to the people of Tennessee, 
3d April, 1839, Mr. Polk lauded Gen. Jackson for 
recommending "modifications and reductions of the 
tariff with a view to the final abandonment 
OF THE odious and unjust system," and blam- 
ed Mr. Clay, the "imputed father" of the tariff, 
for seizing "on a favorable moment to save the 
whole [system] from destruction, by a 
TIMELY compromise." He also said, in the 
same address, — "'One of General Jackson's prin- 
nras opposition to the high tariff schemes 
of Henry Clay, and in that also he was sup- 
ported by all Tennessee. Now a portion of 
your public men support this monstrous 
SCHEME, by supporting Henry Clay." Nor is this 
all — but, within one year after the passage of Mr. 
Clay's Compromise Act of 1833, Mr. Polk voted 
for the resolution of Mr. Hall, of North Caroli- 
na, TO REPEAL THE COMPROMISE ACT, or to 

refer the whole subject to the Committee of 
Ways and Means, with a view to its repeal, 
under the pretext of reducing the whole of the du- 
ties down to what is 'ailed the necessary wants of 
government — the vote on the resolution was Yeas, 
69, (among them Mr. Polk,) Nays, 115. And yet 
this same Mr. J. K. Polk, since his nomination for the 
Presidency, has formally set about to eater for and 
cajole the tariff vote of Pennsylvania, by his letter 
to Mr.J.K. Kane, of Philadelphia, dated June 19th, 
1844, in which lie claims the merit of having voted 
for the Compromise Bill, and comes out in favor of 
a "revenue sullieicnt to defray the expenses of the 
government economically administered," 
of "discriminating duties" "and reasonable 

INCIDENTAL PROTECTION TO HOM F. INDUSTRY," 

to be effected by means of "revenue laws," and "all 
other means" within the power of the government. 
He actually put himself on Mr. Clay's platform, 
and almost copied his words, Mr. Clay having said, 
in his letter, of September ISth, 1843, that he was 
in favor of "whatever revenue is necessary to an 

HONEST AND ECONOMICAL ADMINISTRATION OF 
THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT", and of "SUCH 
DISCRIMINATIONS as will INCIDENTALLY AF- 
FORD REASONABLE PROTECTION TO OUR NA- 
TIONAL i tep.ests." The result, of this new 
stand on the part of Mr- Polk is, that, at the North 
generally, and in Pennsylvania especially, he is 
supported as a thorough-going tariff man and op- 
ponent of free trade, the Harrisburg (Penn.) 
ratic Union declaring, on the authority of 
his friend and neighbor, a Tennessean, "that he 
holds the doctrine of free trade in unqualified 
ABHORRENCE": "never advocated it and never 
will"; "is in favor of a judicious revenue tariff, 
affording THE amplest protection to Amer- 
ican industry"; "is the especial friend and 
advocate of the coal and iron interests, 
those two great objects of solicitude with Pennsyl- 



vaniwns" and is opposed to the disturbance 

OF THE EXISTING tariff." The Albany (N. Y.) 
Argus, too, the organ of the celebrated \ an Buren 
or Albany regency, insists "that he (Mr. Clay) and 
Gov. Polk occupy the same ground on this subji ct 
(the tariff)", and charges the Whigs with "garb- 
ling and falsifying language," and practising "fraud 
and imposition," to conceal the fact. It is curi- 
ous, indeed, and it is disgraceful to Mr. Polk, that 
he should have so paltered in a double sen; I in 
this matter, that the North should thus believe him 
the unqualified friend of tariff interests, on the faith 
of his incidental protection litter and the represen- 
tation of his Tennessee neighbor and friend, anil the 
South should advocate him as a free trade man, on 
the faith of his former bitter opposition to the tar- 
iff system, and his recent declaration, at a public 
discussion in Tennessee, as lute as April, 1843 — 

"I AM IN FAVOR OF REPEALING THE ACT OF 
THE LATE CONGRESS (the Act of 1S42) AND RE- 
STORING the Compromise Tariff Act of 
March 2d, 1833, which "will afford sufficient 
protection to the 'manufacturers, and is all they 
ought to desire, or to which they are 
entitled." His purpose, therefore, must be, 
either to betray the South, or cheat the North, 
and either horn of the dilemma should be suffi- 
cient to impale him, and lose him the support 
of every right-minded and true-hearted man, 
whether Democrat or Whig. 

(F.) The most authentic account of Mr. Polk's 
grandfather, Ezckicl Pclk is, that he was at first 
on the side of the W'higs in the revolutionary 
war, but afterwards took British protection, (even 
the Democratic certificates prove this) and was 
thenceforth as much despised and repudiated by the 
W'higs of 1776, as his grandson is now by the 
W'higs of 1844. The Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, 
says — "While Lord Cornwallis was encamped at 
Charlotte, the said Ezekiel remained at the British 
camp, during which time, as a mark of respect to 
his country's invaders, he wore the insignia of roy- 
alty a red coat. After the removal of Cornwallis, 
Kzekiel returned to his home, situate on Sugar 
Creek, about seven miles from Charlotte. The 
W'higs, in that vicinity, unwilling to tolerate his 
neighborhood, resolved upon his death- The fore- 
most of the party, who had taken upon themselves 
the summary execution of his sentence, was a Mr. 
Taylor, who, upon finding the tory, levelled his gun 
to kill him ; but Ezekiel fell upon his knees, im- 
ploring his life; he was, after some consultation, 
permitted to live, upon condition that he should 
forthwith quit the county of Mecklenburg. This 
condition was promptly complied with, and he did 
not return until after peace had la en established." 
lie never, like the martyr Hayne, encountered I he 
peril of repudiating British protection and resum- 
ing the defence of his country. He took good care 
to interpose a red coai between himself and the 
halter. The Madison (Ga.) Miscellany says — 
"In addition to other positive testimony, which we 
have already published, we annex the following cir- 
cumstantial evidence, which has just been made 
public — the testimony of an old Revolutionary sol- 
dier, well known in Greene county, where he lived 



12 



Appendix to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



forty years, and in Pike, where he has resided the 
last twelve years, and whose character for truth 
and veracity is unimpeachable — it is this, 

Griffin, (Ga.) July 19, 1844. 

"I was a volunteer from Virginia, under Capt. 
. Jesse Heard, who commanded a company of Horse 
Troops. We were at Charlotte and joined Col. 
Davie, and remained in that county some time, 
and there I understood that Ezekiel Polk was a 
tory, and never heard, it contradicted or disputed. 
There were some other of the Polks that were true 
Whigs. I was also at the surrender of Lord Corn- 
wall at Little York. JOHN JENKINS. 

Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 22d day 
of July, 1844. 

JAMES J. ALEXANDER, J. P. 

We now come to the evidence, says another 
journal, we shall produce to sustain the charges. — 
In the first place we shall give the affidavit of Maj. 
Thomas Alexander. It would be useless for us to 
say any thing relative to his character. He is well 
known and his character above suspicion. He 
testifies that Ezekiel Polk refused to go to South 
Carolina to protect the Whites from the Negroes. 
What do the People think of that 1 He also testi- 
fies that he took protection- Read the affidavit . 
Mecklenburg, N. C, June 19, 1841. 

At the commencement of the War of the Revo- 
lution, Ezekiel Polk, at that time a resident of 
South-Carolina, received a Captain's Commission 
in the Militia, and raised a company on the frontiers 
of the State, against the Cherokee Indians. I was 
one of that company. After this, Ezekiel Polk 
was ordered to proceed with his company into 
South-Carolina, to protect the Whites against the 
Negroes — this he refused to do- 

The winter following, he proceeded with his 
company, on an expedition against the Tories, sta- 
tioned not far from Ninety- Six, under the com- 
mand of Cunningham. From this time, he did 
nothing to favor the Whigs during the War. When 
Lord Cornwallis marched his army into this county, 
and erected his Head Quarters in Charlotte, Eze- 
kiel Polk ivent in and took British Protection. 
One Jack Burncttc, having learned that Polk had 
gone to Charlotte, to avail himself of British Pro- 
tection, determined to way-lay him as he returned, 
and kill him. From this course he was deterred 
by his friends. I was in the war, and personally 
know these facts to be true. 

THOS. ALEXANDER. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me, one of the 
acting Justices of the Peace, for said county of 
Mecklenburg, and State of North-Carolina. 

THOMAS M. KERNS, J. P. 

June 9, 1841. 

State of North-Carolina, > 
Mecklenburg County. $ 

I, Braley Oatcs, Clerk of the Court of Pleas and 
Quarter Sessions, held for the county and State 
aforesaid, do hereby certify that Thomas M. Kerns, 
whose signature appears to the above affidavit, is 
an acting Justice of the Peace in, and for said 
county, and that full faith and credit should be 
given to his official acts as such. I also further 
certify that the affiant, Thomas Alexander, is re- 
spected as a Revolutionary Soldier, and a man of 
highly respectable standing. 



In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my 
name, and affixed my seal of office, at Charlotte, the 
22d day of June, A. D. 1841. 

B. OATES, Clerk. 

Mr. Polk's father was a child in the revolution., 
too young to lake any part in it. 

(G.) Mr. Polk over and over again voted in Con- 
gress, against paying pensions to the old patriots of 
the revolution lor their military services. March 13, 
1828, he voted against the Bill for the relief of sur- 
viving officers of the revolutionary war; March 
18, 1830, against the Revolutionary Pension Bill; 
March 19, spoke and voted against the Bill; Dec. 
17, 1831, voted against the Bill for the relief of rev- 
olutionary soldiers ; May 2, 1832, voted against the 
revolutionary Pension Bill. Certainly a very nat- 
ural succession of votes for one with tory blood in 
his veins ! — Congressional Debates, Vols. 4, p. 
2070. 6, part 1, pp. 629,635. 7, p. 730. 8, p. 
2713. 

N. B. Since the above was written, Mr. 
Polk's hostility to our gallant tars, as well as 
our revolutionary soldiers, has been also made 
to appear. The loss of the '-Hornet," in 1829, 
was the cause of deep and prevailing gloom 
throughout the United States. Many were the 
brave officers and gallant seamen, who found 
an untimely grave, when that ill fated vessel 
was "in the deep tosom of the ocean buried." 
Many were the surviving mothers, wives, and 
children, who were left to the cold charities of 
the unfeeling world, by the loss of those, around 
whom their affections were entwined, and upon 
whom they depended for support in sickness 
and in sorrow. So general was the sympathy 
felt by all classes of citizens, that the Congress 
of the nation was called upon to grant some re-r 
lief to the unfortunate survivors. A Bill was 
introduced by Mr. Dorsey, of Maryland, to 
grant six months jmy to the families of those 
gallant men who had perished while in the ser- 
vice of their country. By a reference to the 
Journal of the House of Representatives, for 
the session of 1829-30, the following proceed- 
ings will be found : 

Thursday, February, 1830 — An Act for the re- 
lief of "the widows and, orphans of the officers, 
seamen, and marines of the Sloop of War Hor- 
net, "was read a third "time, and the question 
being stated, "Shad! the bill pass?" 

A motion was made, by Mr. Test, that the 
said bill be recommitted to the Committee on 
Naval Affairs, with instructions to amend the 
same by striking out these words: "and, if 
there be no parent, then the brothers and sis- 
ters ;" so as to exclude brothers and sisters 
from the benefits proposed to be granted to the 
relatives of the officers, seamen, and ma- 
rines, on board of the sloop of w r ar Hornet, at 
the time of her loss. And on the question,, 
Shall the said bill be recommitted with the in- 
structions aforesaid '] it was decided in the neg- 
ative — Mr. Polk voting in the affirmative. 
See House Journal, 1st session, 2lst Congress 
page 309. 

The question was then put, Shall the bill 
pass 1 Yeas 138, nays 42 — Mr. Poll,- voting in 
the negative, and against granting any relief t" 



Appendix to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



13 



the widmvs and orphans of the lost crew. See 
] [ouse Journal, 1st session, 2lsl < longress, page 
309. 

Thus the i the country establish, 

that James K. Polk voted against granting to the 

u brave tan s who were lust 

in the Hornet—^ he slight relief op nix 

months' pay — us a mark oj the sympathy < 

I the nation. 

(II.) It is well known that the venerable and il- 
lustrious James Monroe made heavy and personal 
sacrifices of his private property to aid in carrying 
on the revolutionary war, and this was one of the 
principal causes which led a grateful republic to ele- 
vale him to its chief magistracy. Having spent his 
life in the military, diplomatic and civil service of the 
country, he left the Presidency, the goal of human 
ambition in this free land, a poor and needy man. 
The nation, however, owed him a debt of dollars 
as well as gratitude, and paid it to him — the tory 
blood of Mr. Polk inducing him to vote against 
the measure of gratitude and justice, properly me- 
ted out to the venerable patriot. 

(I.) When Mr. Polk was a candidate for re-elec- 
tion as Governor, Gov. Jones, who beat him all to 
smash, knocked him into a cocked hat, by proving on 
him that, in the last war with Great Britain, he re- 
moved to Maury County, to avoid standing a draft, 
when the militia, the citizen soldiers, were called out 
to defend the soil of their country against the inva- 
der. The Editor of the Jonesboro' (Tennessee) 
Whig says — ''The locos must not talk of Polk's 
services on the field of battle, or we will point 
them to the day, on which the valiant Colonel fed 
from Rutherford county to Maury, when a young 
man, to avoid being drafted and called out into the 
service of his country" 

(J.) On the 1st February, 1831, Mr. Washing- 
top, presented, in the House of Representatives, a 
statement of the Mayor of Washington, relative to 
the sufferings of the poor of that city, from the ex- 
treme rigor of the winter. There was, at the time 
more wood at the Capitol than would be needed for 
the use of Congress. Mr. W. moved that thirty 
cords be placed at the disposal of the Mayor, for 
the benefit of the chilled and shivering sons and 
daughters of poverty. The motion was carried by 
a decisive and humane majority, Mr- Polk voting 
in the negative — saying ''it was a bad example" 
and "undignified, for legislators to become over- 
seers of the poor, to hoard up wood and deal it out 
to the paupers of the district." It. is clear, that 
the grandson of a tory, the foe of revolutionary 
pensioners, and the dodger of a militia draft, isnot 
the poor mint's friend. It is said, that after this 
charity had been granted by Congress, Mr. P. en- 
deavored to escape the obloquy of bis opposition by 
countenancing the proposition of some one that 
each member should contribute a day's pay to the 
same end, but, as far as is known and believed, the 
measure was not executed by any one. 

N. B. Since the foregoing note was written, 
another instance of Mr. Polk's want of chari- 
table feeling has come to light, In the m h 



of January, 1827, a most destructive fire occur- 
red in Alexandria, (D. C). For a considerable 
period the devouring element raged unchecked, 
and, when it was finally extinguished, upwards 
of eighty houses had been consumed. It was 
in the depth ol' winter, and the rigor of the cold 
was excessive. Hundreds of the inhabitants 
were turned into the streets, many with the loss 
of all they possessed. The stoutest hearts were 
appalled. On every side were to be seen ob- 
jects for pity and commiseration. In this emer- 
gency, the Mayor and Citizens of the town pe- 
titioned Congress for aid to the houseless and 
homeless population. The House of i 
sentatives suspended all other business, to pass 
an appropriation of a few thousands lor the re- 
lief of their suffering fellow citizens. When 
the final action on the question was had, James 
K. Poll voted against it, and thus refused to sanc- 
tion this generous exhibition of the national 
charity. 

(K.) On the 28th June, 1832, Mr. Clay offered 
the following resolution : 

"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Rep- 
resentees of the United States of America, in 
Congress assembled, that a joint committee of 
both Houses wait on the President of the United 
States of America, and request that he recommend 
a day; to be designated by him, of public humilia- 
tion, prayer and fasting, to be observed by the peo- 
ple of the United States, with religious solemnity, 
and with fervent supplication to Almighty God, 
that He will be graciously pleased to continue his 
blessings upon our country and that He will avert 
from it the Asiatic scourge which has reached our 
borders — or, if in the dispensation of his Provi- 
dence, we are not to be exempted from the calam- 
ity, that, through his bountiful mercy, its severity 
may be mitigated, and its duration shortened." 

Mr. Clay supported the resolution, in a brief but 
beautiful and touching speech, in which he graphi- 
cally and eloquently described the ravages of the 
pestilential scourge, declared that he had "always 
bad a profound respect, for Christianity, the reli- 
gion of his fathers, and for its rites, usages and ob- 
servances," and counselled the propriety, in times 
of national or individual distress, of appealing to 
that Being, who is alone able to afford adequate 
relief. Mr. Frelinghuysen, the truly virtuous and 
pious Frelinghuysen, eloquently seconded the reso- 
lution, because "it was our duty devoutly, and in 
the conviction of our entire dependence on God, to 
ask for the interference of His mercy." — (Niles' 
Register, Vol. 42. pp. 343, 344.) The resolution 
was passed — Yeas 30, Nays 13. In the House of 
Representatives, on the 5lh July following, Mr. 
Polk, in a large minority voted to lay the resolu- 
tion on the table — Yeas 46, Nays 91. On the 9th 
July, he again voted to lay it on the table, and the 
motion for that purpose having failed, on motion of 
Mr. Bell, the resolution was referred to a Select 
Committee.— (See Journ. II. of R. 1832, pp. 1U!)4, 
1110. 

(L.) On a motion, in the House of Representa- 
tives, December l r >, 1836, to appoint a committei 



14 



Appendix to the Speech of Mr. Yeaclon, at Madison, Geo. 



to investigate certain grave charges, against cer- 
tain functionaries of the government, of outrage 
and frauds practised upon the Seminole Indians, 
which led to the Florida war, the Hon- Bailie Fey- 
ton, of Tennessee, spoke as follows — "Let it also 
be remembered that the Committee of Indian Af- 
fairs unanimously recommended an inquiry into the 
abuses of that bureau, which would have developed 
the cause of the late and present Indian wars in 
the South. The committee reported a resolution, 
authorizing any two of its members to prosecute 
the inquiry by taking testimony for the information 
of the House, at this session. But, sir, this resolu- 
tion, reported by a committee, a majority of whom 
were in favor of Mr. Van Buren. was rejected in 
the House. The citizens of Georgia and Alabama 
petitioned and implored the House to investigate 
that subject, alleging the most unheard-of frauds 
and abuses. Upon this application the vote stood, 
ayes 77, noes 77, a tie, and the Speaker £ James 
K. Folk] gave the casting vote against the inves- 
tigation. Sir, men high in favor and high in office 
were suspected. The agent of the Government, 
John B. Hogan, gave the Department official in- 
formation of the greatest outrages, practised upon 
the Indians, which were ever perpetrated upon any 
people, savage or civilized. He was very soon 
removed, or rather promoted, from Indian agent, to 
be collector at the port of Mobile. And yet, sir, 
we have no account of prosecutions, convictions 
and punishments which have followed his disclo- 
sures. Why, sir, those speculators, or rather In- 
dian robbers, would find an old chief upon his pat- 
rimonial estate, where the chiefs and kings of his 
race had lived for centuries before him, with his 
slaves and his farm around him, smoking his pipe 
amidst his own forest trees, spurning any offer to 
purchase his home, and they would bribe some 
vagabond Indian to personate him in a trade to 
sell his lands, forging his name, and the first inti- 
mation that he would have of the transaction 
would be his expulsion by force from his house ! 
This was common, and not only so, but, under the 
pretext of reclaiming fugitive slaves, the wives and 
children (of mixed blood) of the Indians were 
seized and carried oft" in bondage. The famous 
Oceola himself had his wife taken from him, and 
that, too, it has been said, by a Government officer, 
and was chained by this same officer to a log: Sir, 
what else could be expected but that these scourg- 
ed, plundered, starving savages would glut their 
vengeance by the indiscriminate slaughter of the 
innocent and helpless families of the frontier, 
whose blood has cried to us in vain 1 This has 
caused the F lorida war, which has produced such 
a waste of treasure, the loss of so much national 
and individual honor, and of so many valuable 
lives! This has called the gallant volunteers from 
my own State, and from my own district, who have 
traversed a thousand miles to fight the battle of 
strangers — to contend with a savage foe, while 
drinking those stagnant waters whose malaria is 
death, many of whom are left in the wild woods of 
Florida, "where the foe and the stranger will tread 
o'er their heads," while their fellow-soldiers are 
far away, happy at home with their friends and 
families. One — ah ! sir, any one of those noble 



youths who now sleep under a foreign sod — was 
worth more than the whole army of plunderers 
who have caused the mischief. And yet, sir, such 
men as these were shielded, at the last session of 
Congress, by the casting vote of the Speaker 
[James K. Folk.]" — Whig Standard. 

(M.) Mr. Polk, it is true, wrote a letter in favor 
of annexation generally, but he equivocally kept 
silent as to whether he was in favour of annex- 
ation on the fraudulent and deceptive terms of 
the infamous Tyler treaty. A Whig Commit- 
tee accordingly questioned him on this point, and, 
although they quoted upon him verbatim his 
own repeated declarations that candidates for 
public office ouglit to answer fuily, when ques- 
tioned by voters, on matters of public concern, 
he has obstinately or rather prudently stood mute, 
lest he should lose Northern Anti-Texas votes. 

The letter of the Committee bears date June 
20, 1844, and simply inquires, "What we are 
to understand by his declaring that he is in fa- 
vor of the immediate annexation of Texas to 
the United States ? Whether he is in favor of 
the ratification of the treaty recently submitted 
by the President to the Senate, and if not, upon 
what principle he advocates such annexation?" 
For thus standing mute, Mr. Polk stands thus 
self-condemned — 

Extract from Guv. Polk's answer to the Mem- 
phis interrogatories, dated Columbia, May 15, lb!3. 

"The chief, if not the only value of the right 
of suffrage consists in the fact, that it may be 
exercised understandingby by the constituent body. 
It is so, whether the immediate constituency 
consists of the Legislature, or of the people in 
their primary capacity, in the election of their 
executive or legislative agents. In citlu i 
the constituent has A RIGHT to know tlve 
opinions oj the candidate before he casts his 
vote." 

(N.) While Mr. Polk was Governor of Tennes- 
see, that is before he was ejected by Gov. Jones 
from that office, he was presented by a Grand 
Jury of Sevier county, "as a nuisance for neg- 
lect of his official duty as Governor, and for con- 
duct derogatory to the dignity of the office and to 
the character of a gentleman." 

(0.) At the close of the session of Congress, 
March 2, 1839, when Mr- Elmore, of S. C-, moved 
a vote of thanks to Mr. Polk, for the "able, impar- 
tial and dignified manner," in which he had presi- 
ded, Gen. Crabb, of Alabama, then in Congress, 
and who, by a recent summerset or harlequin frolic, 
has jumped into the arms of Mr. Polk, was one of 
the 57 who properly refused to the partisan, the 
courtesy due to the patriot. 

(P.) The following is a laughable extract from 
Mr. Hardin's (of Illinois) speech in Congress, 
showing up Mr. Payne, of Alabama, the former re- 
viler, but present eulogist of Mr. Polk, in a most 
felicitous style. 

"Did gentlemen forget how, in 1841, they had 
abused the Whigs for bringing forward Gen. Har- 



ippendix to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



15 



rison, and how they had charged the party with 

giving up their principles Cor the sake of an availa- 
1 Wiiii had they brought up James K. 
Polk lor ? Had any man here or in the nalion been 
Cor him "? No ; hut because he was an available 
candidate. But there were some documents upon 
the subject of availability to which lie wished to 
call the particular attention of gentlemen. Mr. H. 
read tVoin an article in "the Globe," of January s, 
1 84 1, contrasting the claims fur the Vice-Presidency 
of James K. Polk and \\m. ft. King, (then' was 
not a man in the United States; he said, who at that 
time dreamed of Mr. Polk as a candidate for the 
Presidency.) the following extract: 

'Finally, the political condition of their respec- 
tive States is another point of preference for Mr. 
King. Alabama is Democratic; Tennessee is 
Ft deral \\ hig. One is helping, the other is injur- 
ing, the Democratic cause. The red-hot shot of 
Tennessee are now fired into the Democratic ship. 
[And 1 trust they will set her on fire and burn 
her to the water's edge.] This may be a misfor- 
tune, and not the fault of that former Democratic 
State, and her present public men. Still, it is a 
misfortune which entails a consequence, and which 
involves a serious consideration in the selection of 
a Vice-Presidential candidate.' 

'In such a contest the Democracy has no compli- 
ments to spare to unfortunate States, by carrying 
the burden of the public men who cannot hnn" 
their own Stale into the. Democratic line. They 
wani strength, not weakness.' 

They want strength, not weakness,' continued 
Mr. II. Did not the gentleman from Alabama 
write that sentence in that communication I If the 
gentleman denies it not, I say he did. 

Mr- Payne said no man was to infer any thing, 
the one way or the other, from his silence. 

.Mr. Hardin. If the gentleman says it is not true, 
I will take it back. 

Mr. Payne. I believe so. I do not know whe- 
ther I wrote it or not- [Laughter]. 

Mr. Hardin said he would read another article, 
relative to the claims to the Vice-Presidency of 
James K, Polk, and the gentleman might have his 
choice of the two, as to which he had written. He 
read from 'the tilobe' of Jan. 19, 1844, the follow- 
ing * xtracts from a communication, in reply to a 
previous one in that paper, with the signature of 
'A Tennessee Democrat :' 

'But why attack Col. King 1 Why advert to his 
earliest legislative history ? Does he feel that the 
political capital of Gov. Polk is quite too limited to 
secure a nomination from the Republican party, 
unless he can pull down the fame of others whose 
shadow has fallen across the path of his posthu- 
mous bantling for the Vice-Prnsidcncy 1 If so, let 
me warn 'A Tennessee Democrat 9 that his dispar- 
snt of Col. King will add nothing to the po- 
litical capital of Gov. Polk. 

'But if he will convince mc that there is a well 
founded suspicion — a reasonable doubt — of the 
personal courage of Col. King, I pronounce him, 
tion, totally unfit for 
the office of Vice-President of the United States. 
I care not how honorable a man may be, if he is a 
coward he cannot maintain his honor ; and hence 



it is such a man is disqualified for the office of Vice 
President 

'Now, sir, Col. King has never been insulted, daj 
after day; and, above all, hi' was never caught 
roughly by the arm, whi n escaping from tin- Capi- 
tol, pulled round, and told tiiat he u as the v, 
Hble ton! of a petty tyrant!' I pledge my hi ad. if 
\ r so treated, he will resent the insult in the 
proper way. Will 'A Tennessee Democrat' do the 
same in regard to Cov. Polk V 

•What are the facts in regard to Gov. Polk ? He 
has been twice repudiated in his own State by large 
majorities — defeated by an inexperienced politician; 
and it is not pretended that his name would add 
ticle of strength to the ticket in any State 
of this Union. Why, then, talk of his election 
as the candidate of the party 1 

'Again, we are. told, "if, on the contrary, you do 
not run Gov. Polk, you may lose Tennessee.' Will 
the selection of Gov. Polk prevent the result ? He 
has been run twice for Governor of that State 
lati ly, and has been defeated both times most sig- 
nally. This would seem to be conclusive that Ten- 
nessee cannot be carried by the Democracy if Gov. 
Polk is upon the ticket. If this be a legitimate 
conclusion, it is due to the principles we profess, 
not to jeopard their success by vain attempts to 
force, upon the people of Tennessee a man whom 
they have twice refused to honor, notwithstanding 
the supposed 'deep, bold and lasting impress, left by 
Gov. Polk on our public affairs.' 

'The truth is, it will not do, Gov. Polk has no 
greater claims upon the people of this Union than 
any other man of equal ability who has faithfully 
maintained the principles of his party. There arc 
now at least one hundred men in the Union who 
have served their party as loner, as ably, and as 
faithfully as Gov, Polk; whose claims are fully 
equal in every respect, to his; but whose names 
have never been mentioned in connexion with the 
Vice-Presidency, and possibly never w ill be. 

'I therefore respectfully suggest to 'A Tennessee 
Democrat' to abandon that system of puffing, blow- 
ins, and swelling, by which a toad may be magni- 
fied into the dimensions of an ox; or, if he still 
wishes to persevere, let him do so upon the merits 
of his own subject, and not upon the demerits of 
others.' 

"Wont that show the gentleman in capitals," 
continued Mr. II , that this "posthumous bantling 
for the \ ice-Presid. •ncy"— is not 'AVAIL ABLK.' 
And yet they talk of electing him President by a 
triumphant majority ! It reminded him of what a 
: to that Convention, in speaking of the 
nomination, had said to him — 'It never did occur 
to me that we would have to manufacture a can- 
didate for the Presidency, and that out of so small 
materials.' " 

(Q.) The following is a spirited sketch of the 
merited application of the scorpion lash of ridicule, 
by Mr. Peyton, of Tennessee, at the last session 
of Congress, to the old Federalists turned Demo- 
and th it man of all work, their Caleb Quo- 
tun, the Hon. .limes K. Polk. 

•■ \s to the charge of Federalism, which had bo a 
brought against the Whigs, who, he asked, were 



16 



Appendix to the Speech of Mr. Ycadon, at Madison, Geo. 



they who were in favor of giving to the President 
the kingly power of destroying the legislation of 
both Houses of Congress at his mere will and 
pleasure 'J Was it the Whigs'? Mr, Ghiy was 
against this power ; he held that that ought to be 
the law of t lie laud, which the People's Representa- 
tives in both branches of the Legislature declared 
should be the law ; but the Democrats, par excel- 
lence, were for vesting all power in one man, and 
allowing him to cut the heads off' of as many legis- 
lative acts as might suit his own notions or selfish 
purposes. Of these tivo elassess of persons, which 
were the Federalists and which the Republicans 1 

"But to quit principles, and go a little into the 
personelle of Federalism. Where were the Fede- 
ralists actually found 1 he referred to the old anti- 
war Federalists of '98'? In his own district, where 
the Whigs had a majority of 1,000 votes, it had 
been his lot to be elected over a gentleman of most 
amiable and irreproachable character — a gentle- 
man in the fullest sense of the term— who had been 
brought out by the Democratic party, in the hope 
of getting the influence of the Hero of the Hermi- 
tage, because he was the nephew of his wife; but 
he was a Federalist, and, even within pistol shot 
of the den of the roaring lion, the Whigs got a 
majority, and counted a majority of not less than 500 
votes in the Hermitage district. But to the charge 
that the Whigs were Federalists ! He would begin 
with James Buchanan ; and what had formerly 
been his sentiments 1 [Here Mr. P. read extracts, 
which were certainly of a pretty high-toned Federal 
character]. Then there was the Hon. Reuel Wil- 
liams ; he, Mr. P. believed, was now held to be a 
light of democracy in the State of Maine- This 
gentleman had burnt James Madison in effigy, be- 
cause he was in favor of war with Great Britain. 
Then we had Gen'l Wall, of New Jersey, who had 
declared that he would war under the Federal flag 
so long as it continued to wave. Mr. Henry Hub- 
bard was another Democrat and Dorrite of the very 
first water ; yet he had voted to send delegates to 
the Hartford Convention. Another very distin- 
guished gentleman of the Democratic ranks, and 
now, he believed, a prominent member of Con- 
gress — one Charles Jared Ingersoll — had declared 
that, had he been capable of reflection in the days 
of the Revolution, he would have heen a Tory. 
That gentleman was most courteous in his deport- 
ment, and had always treated Mr. P. with the utmost 
personal kindness. He meant him no offence or 
injury ; and if the assertion he had now made as 
his was incorrect, he [Mr. P.] would instantly take 
it back- The gentleman was present, and could 
deny it, if it was untrue. [Mr. I. retained his seat.] 
Mr. P- next quoted a very fiery article indeed, from 
the pen of J. H. Prentiss, a Van Buren member 
of Congress. This gentleman declared it gave him 
infinite pleasure to be able to announce (in his pa- 
per) the triumph of Federalism. Was he a Demo- 
crat 1 Then came William Cullen Bryant, the 
author of a poetical eulogy [of no very flattering 
kind, as it seemed] on Thomas Jefferson. [Mr. P. 
quoted from this poem, a sort of mock heroic] 

Now, then, he would again inquire, where was 
Federalism to be found? He thought he had 
placed it on the right side of the party-dividing line. 



[Mr. Ingersoll here asking the loan of the bookj 
from which the above quotations had been made, 
Mr. P. replied. 'Take good care of it, and do not 
derange the contents; it is an excellent magazine 
of Whig ammunition, and I mean to draw on it for 
some missiles, I hope, to hurl at the polk-stalks of 
Tennessee.'] 

And now as to this farce of a nomination, at Bal- 
timore. A distinguished gentleman from N. York 
so denominated it publicly, and without the slight- 
est reserve ; declaring openly that it ought to meet 
with no respect from the country, and that James 
K. Polk could not get one electoral college, unless 
that of South Carolina, and that would depend on 
the mere whim and caprice of Mr. Calhoun. 

[This annunciation produced very great sensation 
in the House,] 

Mr. Stetson, of New York, inquired of Mr. P. 
ulii> the New York member referred to was? 

Mr. Peyton replied, that, for the name of the 
gentleman and all the circumstances, he would re- 
ler the gentleman to the Hon. Mr. Black, of S. C. 
He would tell him who he was. 

Mr. Stetson repeated his inquiry, observing that 
the statement had taken him completely by surprise. 

Mr. Peyton replied, it was a member on this 
floor, a distinguished member of the House, a great 
friend of Mr. Van Buren, and, in fact, considered 
as his right-hand man here. That gentleman had 
declared that Mr. Polk could not get the vote of 
one electoral college, unless in South Carolina, 
and that depended on the whim and caprice of Mr. 
Calhoun. If the gentleman would apply to the 
honorable gentleman from South Carolina he would 
get all the information he desired. 

Mr. P. was about proceeding in his speech, when 

Mr. Stetson again interposed, (Mr. P. not yield- 
ing the floor;) and said, that as Mr. P. was the only 
cue who had referred to the member from the New 
York delegation, it was to him alone he ought to 
apply for his name. 

Mr. Peyton said he would not be thus interrupt- 
ed ; there was a point where courtesy ceased to be 
a virtue. 

A majority of the members of the late Conven- 
tion went to Baltimore instructed and pledged to 
vote for Mr. Van Buren; and the Globe, before 
the Convention assembled, charged whoever should 
do otherwise with treachery. And what was the 
result % A majority did vote for Mr. Van Buren; 
but for this most democratic of Democracies a sim- 
ple majority was not enough. True, Thomas Jef- 
ferson thought it ought to rule, and held the maxim 
true, vox populi, vox Dei, from which there was no 
appeal but to arms, which he held to be the appeal 
of tyrants. But these Democrats were not content 
with Jeffersonian Democracy. A bare majority was 
not enough for them : they must have two-thirds. A 
gentleman here had said, that with the Texas feel- 
ing in his favor their candidate would get the votes 
of a majority of the people of the United States. 
A majority ! Suppose he did, that would not 
do. According to the Baltimore doctrine, he must 
have two-thirds to elect him. He hoped gentlemen 
would carry out their own principles. The nomi- 
nation of James K. Folk would fall on the ears of 
the people of this counlry, like a thunder clap in a 



Appendix to the Speech of Mr. Ycadon, at Madison, Geo. 



17 



very clear day. No ; that was too grand, too ter- 
rific, a figure ; it would strike them tike the phe- 
nomenon in the ancient proverb. Al'ter all the 
mountains in the land had so long been in labor, 
out slipped a ridiculous mouse. James K. Polk a 
candidate for the Presidency ! A man never 
dreamed of, and (if we were to believe the Globe) 
a man not qualified for the place. There had been, 
in that paper, a recent war between a Tennessee 
Democrat and an Alabama Democrat, (tin: of 
these excellent Democrats was opposed to Mr. King 
as a candidate for the \ ice-Presidency, because he 
had not signalized himself in the history of the 
country, and had no memorials to distinguish his 
name. The other tauntingly observed, that this 
came with but a bad grace from one who advoca- 
ted James K. Polk, whom he charged, in substance, 
with being a coward, and unworthy of being Vice- 
President on that ground, and, in support of the 
charge, brought up a scene between Mr. Polk, when 
Speaker, and Mr. Wise, of Virginia, who, as they 
were retiring from this Hall, took him by the arm, 
and said; 'You are the poor petty tool of a tyrant; 
take that.' The question would then seem very 
naturally to arise, if Mr. Polk was too much of a 
coward to be Vice-President, how fit is he to be 
commander-in-chief of the army and navy? He 
proclaimed himself for annexation. Now, suppose 
annexation should lead to war, would the Alabama 
Democracy support such a candidate to be com- 
mander of the army and navy ] These were Mr. 
Polk's qualifications in a military point of view. 
What were his political ones 1 Why, he had been 
found, during his public career, on every side of every 
important question. Had he originated or given a 
prominent and leading support to any great mea- 
sure, or any great and controlling system of policy'? 
None. He had never risen higher than to be a 
mere second rate man — a tool and follower of some 
other man. This had been his character all his 
life. He had been the instrument and subservient 
tool of Andrew Jackson, to do his bidding, whatever 
that might be. Never had he been found one thou- 
sandth part of an inch from Jackson's track, wind 
and turn as it might. However contradictory his 
measures or opinions might be, those were the mea- 
sures and those the opinions of the obedient Mr. 
Polk. 

This was what the great Democratic party had 
brought out for the four-mile heat at the fall races ! 
A little, beaten, broken-winded, foundered, spring- 
halt, shuffling, spavined, bob-tail nag, of Tennessee, 
to run against the great Eclipse ! [Much laughter, 
and some punning among the Democratic mem- 
bers.] There was a turning up of the nose, a 
sense of the ridiculous, in the mere idea of the 
parallel. One had been identified with all the great 
events and measures in our political history for the 
last forty years. A man — ay — every inch a man, 
in heart and intellect, in firmness, grasp, and com- 
prehension of mind — a whole head and shoulders 
above any man that ever had set his foot-print on 
this continent, save one only. When the tyrant 
power of Great Britain was seizing our citizens, 
and confining them in the loathsome dungeon of a 
prison ship, whose voice was it that sounded in 
3 



thunder tones of indignation through the land, 
loud and long and deep, till the injury Was rc- 
dressed ? — Henry Clay. And when another crisis 
arose in our affairs — a crisis, which shook the. 
Government of the country to its centre, which 
caused the good man and the patriot to turn pale, 
and made Jefferson himself declare that it struck 
upon his spirit like an alarm bell in the dread 
hour of night, who was it that came to the 
rescue, threw himself into the breach, and saved 
his country 1 ? — Henry Clay. And then, in that 
other critical and trying hour, when the flag of dis- 
union was raised in Soulh-Carolina, and the laws 
of the Union were resisted at the cannon's mouth, 
while we hud in the chair of Stale a man of iron 
nerve and lion heart, who swore by the Eternal 
that the laws should be executed, and that if one 
gun was fired by South-Carolina, "he would hang 
Calhoun and McDufiie, and Hayne and Hamilton, 
and the other leaders of the rebellion, as high as 
Hainan," who was it that came again as our de- 
liverer, with a heart deeply penetrated by the crisis 
of his country's fate, and, casting on the issue all 
he held dear in life, once more, by his prudence, 
moderation and skill, assuaged the angry elements, 
and rescued this fair land from the horrors of civil 
discord'? It was Henry Clay. When the hour of 
danger came, there was he : and wherever he came, 
danger was quelled, disorder fled, and public pros- 
perity smiled upon her restorer. Now, look on 
this picture and on that — the counterfeit present- 
ment of two candidates. "Tis Hyperion to a Satyr." 
As well compare a mousing owl to the imperial 
bird of Jove, that sprang aloft and soared into the 
very sun. 

Mr- P. wished to say a few more words on this 
Gen. Polk — no, not general, he never rose quite as 
high as that. 

A voice. 'Colonel Polk.' 

Another voice. 'Governor Polk.' 

A third voice. 'President Polk.' 

Well, Governor Polk, then. He had a document 
in his hand, which would show what were General 
Jackson's sentiments in relation to a protective ta- 
riff, so vehemently opposed by Mr. Polk. He would 
read them. 

Mr. Hale suggested that, in his own case, the 
doctrine had been insisted on that no paper could 
be read by a member in his place, without leave of 
the House. 

Mr. Peyton bowed respectfully to the very or- 
derly gentleman from New-Hampshire — the same, 
he believed, who had voted "No" on a vote of ac- 
ceptance and thanks, when the venerable and illus- 
trious gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Adams] 
had presented the memorial of Washington's labors 
in the field — a scene that drew tears from many a 
manly eye, which held this House in deep silence, 
while the very air seemed sacred, and the place 
hallowed by the memory of the Father of his coun- 
try. At such a moment it was, that one solitary 
member, with a voice as strong as the blast of a 
blacksmith's bellows, had uttered that monosyllable 
of his own renown. What ! would the gentleman 
muzzle the press 1 Would not he let him read a 
paper ? Might not the Clerk read it, then '. 



18 



i 



Appendix to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



[Mr. Hale said the gentleman entirely mistook 
him, and wished to explain ; but Mr. P. would not 
spare the time. 

The Clerk then read a letter from Gen. Jackson 
to Dr. Golding, in which reference is made to the 
Tariff.]" 

What letter of Gen. J. is here referred to is 
not known, but the following extract from one 
of his annual messages to Congress, shows his 
real views on the constitutionality and expedi- 
ency of a protective tariff— and if Young Hick- 
ory be indeed a chip of the old block, what are 
anti-tariffites to expect of him'i 

"The power to impose duties on imports 
originally belonged to the several States. The 
right to adjust these duties, with a view to the en- 
couragement of industry, is so completely incidental 
to that power, that it is difficult to suppose the exist- 
ence of one without the other. The States have 
delegated their whole authority over imports to 
the General Government, without limitation or 
restriction, saving the very inconsiderable res- 
ervation relating to their inspection laws. This 
authority having thus entirely passed from the 
States, the right to exercise it for the purpose of 
protection, does not exist in them, and, conse- 
quently, if it be not possessed by the General Gov- 
ernment, it must be extinct. Our political sys- 
tem WOULD THUS PRESENT THE ANOMALY OF A 
PEOPLE STRIPPED OF THE RIGHT TO FOSTER THEIR 
OWN INDUSTRY: AND TO COUNTERACT THE MOST 
SELFISH AND DESTRUCTIVE POLICY WHICH MIGHT 
BE ADOPTED BY FOREIGN NATIONS. This SUrely 

cannot be the case ; this indispensable power, 
thus surrendered by the States, must be within 
the scope of the authority, on this subject, ex- 
pressly delegated to Congress." Prcs. Jackson's 
Message to Congress, Dec. 6, 1830. 

(R.) Correspondence between Bolivar fy Mr. Clay. 
Bolivar to Mr. Clay. 

Bogota, November 21, 1827. 
Sir, — I cannot omit availing myself of the op- 
portunity afforded me by the departure of Colonel 
Watts, Charge d'Affaires of the United States, of 
taking the liberty to address your excellency. This 
desire has long been entertained by me, for the pur- 
pose of expressing my admiration of your excel- 
lency's brilliant talents and ardent love of liberty. 
All America, Colombia, and myself, owe your ex- 
cellency our purest gratitude, for the incomparable 
services you have rendered to us, by sustaining our 
course with a sublime enthusiasm. Accept, there- 
fore, this sincere and cordial testimony, which I 
hasten to offer to your excellency and to the gov- 
ernment of the United States, who have so greatly 
contributed to the emancipation of your Southern 
brethren. 

I have the honor to offer to your excellency my 
distinguished consideration. 

Your excellency's obedient servant, 

BOLIVAR. 
Mr. Clay to Bolivar. 

Washington, October 27, 1828. 
Sir, — It is very gratifying to me, to be assured 
directly by your excellency, that the course which 



the government of the United States took on this 
memorable occasion, and my humble efforts, have 
excited the gratitude and commanded the approba- 
tion of your excellency. I am persuaded that 1 do 
not misinterpret the feelings of the people of the 
United States, as I certainly express my own, in 
saying that the interest which was inspired in this 
country by the arduous struggles of South America, 
arose principally from the hope that along with its 
independence would be established free institutions, 
insuring all the blessings of civil liberty. To the 
accomplishing of that object we still anxiously 
look. We are aware that great difficulties oppose 
it, among which not the least is that which arises 
out of the existence of a large military force, raised 
for the purpose of resisting the power of Spain. — 
Standing armies, organized with the most patriotic 
intentions, are dangerous instruments. They de- 
vour the substance, debauch the morals, and too 
often destroy the liberties of a people. Nothing 
can be more perilous or unwise, than to retain 
them after the necessity has ceased which led to 
their formation, especially if their numbers are dis- 
proportioned to the revenues of the State. 

But, notwithstanding all these difficulties, we 
had fondly cherished and still indulge the hope that 
South America would add a new triumph to the 
cause of human liberty, and that Providence would 
bless her, as He had her Northern sister, with the 
genius of some great and virtuous man, to conduct 
her securely through all her trials. We had even 
flattered ourselves that we beheld that genius in 
your excellency. But I should be unworthy the 
consideration with which your excellency honors 
me, and deviate from the frankness which I have 
ever endeavored to practice, if I did not, on this oc- 
casion state that ambitious designs have been at- 
tributed by your enemies, to your excellency, which 
have created in my mind great solicitude. They 
have cited recent events in Colombia as proofs of 
these designs. But slow, in the withdrawal of con- 
fidence which I have once given, I have been most 
unwilling to credit the unfavorable accounts which 
have, from time to time, reached me. I cannot 
allow myself to believe, that your excellency will 
abandon the bright and glorious path which lies 
plainly before you, for the bloody road passing over 
the liberties of the human race, on which the vul- 
gar crowd of tyrants and military despots have so 
often trodden- I will not doubt that your excel- 
lency will, in due time, render a satisfactory expla- 
nation to Colombia, and to the world, of the parts 
of your public conduct which have excited any dis- 
trust, and that preferring the true glory of our im- 
mortal Washington to the ignoble fame of the 
destroyers of liberty, you have formed the patriotic 
resolution of ultimately placing the freedom of 
Colombia upon a firm and sure foundation. That 
your efforts to that end may be crowned with com- 
plete success, I most fervently pray. 

I request that your excellency will accept assur- 
ances of my sincere wishes for your happiness and 
prosperity. H CLAY. 

(S) Letter from Mr. Jefferson. 

Monticello, May 25, 1823. 
Dear Sir: — 1 have received your letter of the 



Appendix to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



19 



14th of this month, and at the same time was 
delivered me, by Captain Barlow, a piece of 
domestic fabric called negro cloth, containing 
twenty-four yards, for my acceptance and in- 
spection. I thank you for the kind and very 
flattering expressions contained in your letter 
ami tor the handsome present of the cloth. I 
should lie happy to return you something more 
solid than empty thanks. 

You ask my opinion of the American sys- 
tem. Relative to that somewhat absorbing 
question J should hope that the whole of my 
past life and policy had given a satisfactory re- 
ply. I have always been of opinion that the 
people of this nation should manufacture all 
the fabrics that their exigencies demand, if they 
can do so — and that they can do so without ap- 
plying to the workshops of England, France, 
and German)', who will doubt 1 Cotton and 
Woollen we make in rare abundance and of a 
quality quite good enough to answer all our 
wants and demands; why, then, should we 
travel to Europe ibr our supplies'? For our 
silks and fine Linen we must lor some time to 
come go to the workshops of Europe ; but 1 
apprehend that the day is not far distant when 
even they will be manufactured by native in- 
dustry. 

You ask my opinion of the merits of Henry 
Clay and his policy for the protection of do- 
mestic industry and manufactures. These are 
questions which I feel some delicacy about an- 
swering, first because Mr. Clay is now a can- 
didate ibr the Presidency, and secondly I never 
yet fully understood to what ends his policy 
extends; and although I will advise you of my 
opinions relative to the questions you put to me, 
I must beg that you will not at this juncture 
give my words to the public through the press. 
As for Mr. Clay, I consider him to be one of 
the most talented and brilliant men and states- 
men that the country ever produced, and should 
I live many years longer, I hope to see him 

HOLD THE PLACE OF CHIEF EXECUTIVE OF THE 

American republic! His career thus far in 
life has been a career of glory, and he has 
achieved that for his country whilst engaged in 
his career, which would ornament the brightest 
place in the escutcheon of the most favored 
statesman of any age or nation ! I say this 
much in reply to your interrogatories, but, as I 
said before, I do not wish to have my remarks 
given to the press, for the simple reason that 
this country is involved in a political excite- 
ment in which I am not disposed to take part, 
as I have long since resolved not to take part 
in the politics of the times. 

My wrist, which is quite lame, admonishes 
me to discontinue this hasty note. With assu- 
rances of the most perfect respect, I am your 
obliged fellow citizen, 

THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

(T.) The Southern democrats endeavor to 
hold Mr. Clay up as a high tariff man, but the 
followingcxtract, from his great Raleigh speech, 
will effectually silence the calumny. 

"We must reject both tin doctrines of free trade 
andoj a high and exorbitant tariff. The parti- 



sans of each must make some sacrifices of 
their peculiar opinions. They must find some 
common ground, on which both can stand, and 
reflect that, if neither has obtained all that it 
desires, it has secured something, and what it 
does not retain has been gotten by its friends 
and countrymen. There are very few who dis- 
sent from the opinion that, in time of peace, the 
federal revenue ought to be drawn from foreign 
imports, without resorting to internal taxation. 
Here is a basis for accommodation, and mutual 
satisfaction. Let the amount which is requisite 
for an ECONOMICAL ADMINISTRATION 
OF THE GOVERNMENT, when we are not 
engaged in war, be raised exclusively on for- 
eign imports, and in adjusting a tariff", for that 
purpose, let SUCH DISCRIMINATIONS be 
made as will foster, and encourage our own do- 
mestic industry. All parties ought to be satis- 
fied with a tariff" for revenue and discrimina- 
tions for protection. In thus settling this great 
and disturbing question, in a spirit of mutual 
concession and of amicable compromise, we 
do but follow the noble example of our illustri- 
ous ancestors, in the formation and adoption of 
our present happy constitution. It was that be- 
nign spirit that presided over all their delibera- 
tions, and it has been in the same spirit that all 
the threatening crises, that have arisen during 
the progress of the administration of the con- 
stitution, have been happily quieted and accom- 
modated." 

Mr. Clay predicting the Manufacturing Pros- 
pc/i'y of the South. — In Mr. Clay's great speech, 
at Raleigh, N. C, he thus shadowed forth the 
coming conversion of the Southern portion of 
the Union into a manufacturing country:— 

"The day will come, and is not distant, when 
the South will feel an imperative necessity vol- 
untarily to make such a diversion of a portion 
of its labor. Considering the vast water pow- 
er, and other facilities of manufacturing, now 
wasting and unemployed at the South, and its 
possession at home of the choice of the raw 
material, 1 believe the day will come when the 
Cotton region will be the greatest manufactur- 
ing region in the world." 

The Free Trade of Great Britain and France. 
—Mr. Clay, in his Raleigh speech, thus hits off 
the pretended devotion of these two great Eu- 
ropean powers to the principle of free trade — 
the one taxing our tobacco alone with a reve- 
nue duty, equal to the whole amount of duly 
on our entire importation from all foreign coun- 
tries, and the other, in one breath, complaining 
of our tariff of 1842, and declaring her own 
steady adherence to the protection of French 
industry ! 

"We are invited, bj partizans of the doctrine 
of free trade, to imitate the liberal example of 
some of the great European powers. England , 
we are told, is abandoning her restrictive poli- 
cy, and adopting that of free trade. England 
adopting the principles of free trade! Why, 
where are her Corn laws'? Those laws, which 
exclude an article of prime necessity — the mv 
bread which sustains human life — in order to 
afford protection to English agriculture. And, 
on the single article oj American tobacco, England, 



20 



Appejulix to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



levies annually an amount of revenue e<pial to the 
whole amount of antics, h vied annually by the Uni- 
ted States upon all the articles of import from all 
the foreign nations of the world, including Eng- 
land. That is her free trade! And as ior 
France, we have lately seen a State paper, from 
one of her high functionaries, complaining in 
bitter terms of the American Tariff of 1842, 
and ending with formally announcing to the 
world that France steadily adhered to the sys- 
tem of proteciing French industry !" 

The free trade of Great Britain with this 
country may be judged of by the following pas- 
sage, from the speech of the Hon. Eugenius A. 
Nesbit, of Georgia, in favor ol the Tariff of 
1842, at the last session of Congress : 

"She taxes our wheat 50 per cent. ; flour 50 
percent.; beef 59 per cent. ; pitch 25 per cent. ; 
rosin 75 per cent.; spirits of grain, 500 per cent; 
rice 30 per cent. ; butter 70 per cent. ; spirits of 
molasses 1,600 per cent, ; tobacco, unmanufac- 
tured, 1,000 per cent.; tobacco, manufactured, 
1,200 per cent. ; and yet she would induce us to 
pursue the policy of fostering her manufactures, 
artisans and mechanics, instead of lostering our 
own. Sir, I don't subscribe to the doctrine; and 
gentlemen must excuse me if I tell them that it 
is, in my opinion, unpatriotic and anti-Ameri- 
can." 

Mr. Calhoun on the Tariff. — In 1816, John Ran- 
dolph, of Va., moved to repeal the minimum, or 
prohibitory duty, on low priced cottons, [which 
Mr. M'Duffie now denounces as the most odious, 
infamous and unconstitutional of all unconstitu- 
tionalities,] as both unconstitutional and against 
the principle of free trade — but Mr. Calhoun 
rose in his place, and in the course of an able, 
eloquent, convincing and triumphant argu- 
ment, said — 

"But it will no doubt be said, if they [the cot- 
ton and woollen manufactures] are so well es- 
tablished, and if the situation of the country is 
so favorable to their growth, where is the ne- 
cessity of affording them protection? IT IS 
TO PUT THEM BEYOND THE REACH 
OF CONTINGENCY. 

"Besides, circumstances, if we act with wis- 
dom, are favorable to attract to our country 
much skill and industry. The country in Eu- 
rope having the most skilful workmen is broken 
up. It is to us, if wisely used, more valua- 
ble THAN THE REPEAL OF THE EDICT OF NANTZ 

was to England. She had the prudence to 
profit by it — let us not discover less political sa- 
gacity. Afford to ingenuity and industry 
immediate and ample protection, and they 
will not fail to give a preference to this free and 
happy country. 

"It [the manufacturing interest] produced 
an interest strictly American, as much 
so as agriculture: in which it had the 
decided advantage of commerce or naviga- 
tion. The country will derive from this much ad- 
vantage. Again, it is calculated to bind to- 
gether more closely our widely spread 
republic. It will increase our mutual depen- 
dance and intercourse, and will, as a necessary 
consequence, excite cm increased attention to in- 



ternal improvement, a subject every u:ay so in- 
timately connected with the ultimate attainment 
of national strength and the perfection of our 
political institutions. In his (mm opinion, the 
liberty and the union of this country were 
inseparably united — "disunion" — THIS SIM- 
PLE WORD COMPREHENDED ALMOST THE SUM OF 
OUR POLITICAL DANGERS AND AGAINST IT WE 
OUGHT TO BE PERPETUALLY GUARDED." — Mr. 

Calhoun's speech on the tariff of 1816. 

"Mr. C. proceeded to another topic — the en- 
couragement proposed to be afforded to the in- 
dustry of the country. In regard to the ques- 
tion how far manufactures ought to be fos- 
tered, Mr. C. said it was the duty of this 
country, as a means of defence, to encourage the 
domestic industry of this country, more espe- 
cially that part of it which provides the neces- 
sary materials for clothing and defence. * * * 
The question relating to manufactures must not 
Jcji, ml on the abstract principle that industry, left 
to pursue its men course, will find in its own interest 
all encouragement that is necessary. I lay the 
claim of the manufacturers entirely out of view, 
said Mr. C, but on ceneral principles, with- 
out regard to their interest, a certain encouragement 
should be extended at least to our woollen and 
cotton manufactures." — Mr. Calhoun's Speech 
on Direct Taxation, 1816. 

(U.) Annexation of Texas. — Extract from Mr. 
Clay's letter dated 

Ashland, July 27, 1844. 

"But, gentlemen, you are anxious of know- 
ing, by what policy I would be guided, in the 
event of my election as Chief Magistrate of 
the United States, in reference to the annexa- 
tion of Texas. * * * I have no hesitation 
in saying that, far from having any personal 
objection to the annexation of Texas, I should 
be glad to see it without dishonor — without 
war — with the common consent of the Union, 
and upon just and lair terms." 

"In the contingency of my election, to which 
you have adverted, if the affair of acquiring 
Texas should become a subject of considera- 
tion, I would be governed by the state of fact 
and the state of public opinion existing at the 
time I might be called upon to act. Above all, 
I should be governed by the paramount duty of 
preserving this Union entire, and in harmony, 
regarding it as 1 do as the great guaranty of 
every public and political blessing under Prov- 
idence, which, as a free people, we are permit- 
ted to enjoy." 

(V.) In January, 1839, Mr. Clay made his 
great anti-abolition speech in the Senate, be- 
cause "he would rather be right than be Presi- 
dent," from which the following is an extract: 

"I am, Mr. President, (said Mr. Clay,) no 
friend to slavery. The searcher of hearts knows 
that every pulsation of mine beats high and 
strong in the cause of civil liberty. "Whenever 
it is safe and practicable, I desire to see every 
portion of the human family in the enjoyment 
of it. But I prefer the liberty of my own 
, country to that of any other people, and 



Appendix, to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



21 



THE LIBERTY OF MY OWN RACE TO THAT OF ANY 

OTHER race. The liberty of the descend- 
ants of Africa in the UnIted States ifl in- 
compatible WITH THE SAFETY AND LIBERTY OF 
the European descendants. Their slavery 
forms an exception, resulting from a stern and 
inexorable necessity to the general liberty in 
the United States. We did not originate, nor 
are we responsible for this necessity. Their 

LIBERTY, IF IT WERE POSSIBLE, COULD ONLY BE 
ESTABLISHED, BY VIOLATING THE INCONTESTABLE 
POWERS OF THE STATES AND SUBVERTING THE 

Union: and beneath the ruins of the Union would 

be buried, sooner or later, Ike liberty of both races." 
(See Speech of Mr. Clay, on a Petition to the 
Senate, against the abolition of slavery in the 
District of Columbia, Jan. 14, li)3 ( J.) 

When Mr. Clay had closed this noble effort 
in favor of Southern rights and national har- 
mony, our great Southern statesman, Mr. Cal- 
houn, the man who has recently declared him- 
self without a rival, or perhaps without an equal 
in devotion to the- Union — rose in the Senate 
and thus publicly and nobly awarded the grate- 
ful tribute to the illustrious Kentuckian. 

"Sir," said Mr. Calhoun, "1 have heard the 
Senator from Kentucky with pleasure. His 
speech will have a happy effect, and will do 
much to consummate what had been already so 
happily begun, and successfully carried on to- 
wards completion. 

"This," continued he, "is a great epoch. Of 
all the dangers to which we have ever been ex- 
posed, this has been the greatest. We may now 
consider it as passed. The resolutions to which 
he referred, with the following movements, gave 
the fatal blow, to winch the position now as- 
sumed ey the Senator from Kentucky, has 
civen the finishing stroke." 

After this noble testimony of the great Caro- 
linian, to the fidelity of the great Kentuckian 
to Southern rights and Southern institutions, to 
the Constitution and to the country, who will 
dare to couple the name of the latter with the 
foul calumny of abolition 1 

On other occasions Mr. Clay made speeches, 
from which we make the following extracts: 

"I beseech the abolitionists themselves sol- 
emnly to pause in their mad and fatal course. 
The liberty of the descendants of Africa could 
only be established by violating the incontesta- 
ble powers of the States and subverting the 
Union." 

"If I had been, or were now, a citizen of any 
of the planting States — the Southern or South- 
Western States — I should have opposed, and 
would continue to oppose, any scheme whatever 
of emancipation, gradual or immediate. 

"I know there is a visionary dogma which 
holds that negro slaves cannot be the subjects of 
property. I shall not dwell long upon the spec- 
ulative abstraction. That is property which 
the law declares to be property. Two hundred 
years have sanctioned and sanctified negro 
slaves as property. 

"It is not tme, and I rejoice that it is not true, 
that either of the two great parties of this coun- 
try has any design or aim at abolition, I should 



deeply lament if it were true." Clay's Speech 
in the Senate, Feb. 7th, 1839, 

"I will now make a single remark on an un- 
fortunate and delicate subject, [that of slavery.] 
At the commencement of the session that sub- 
ject was before us, and I now repeat what 1 
then declared, that if there should be an attar}; 
from any quarter on that great domestic inslihUion 
oj our section oj Ike country, ike Si nator from South. 
'Carolina would never be found in trout of me in 
defending our rights." 'Clay's Speech in the 
Senate, Jan. 28, 1837. 

"He urged the importance of keeping the ab- 
olitionists separate and distinct from all other 
classes, unmixed with the rest of the communi- 
ty, without the general sympathy, and exposed 
to the overwhelming power id' th'e united opini- 
on of all who desire the peace, harmony and 
union of our confederacy." Clay's Speech on 
Calhoun's Resolutions, 1837. 

"I WOULD SUFFER THE TORTURES OF AN INQUI- 
SITION BEFORE I WOULD SIGN A BILL, having for 

its object the abolition of slavery in the District of 
Colombia; or in any manner give countenance 
to the project." Clay's Speech in 1841. 

In addressing a large assemblage of slave 
holders, in Raleigh, North-Carolina, in April 
last, Mr. Clay, after discussing other topics, 
spoke as follows of abolition: 

"On the subject of abolition, I am persuaded 
it is not necessary to say one word to this en- 
lightened assemblage. My opinion was fully 
expresssed in the Senate of the United States, a 
few years ago, and the expression of it was one 
of the assigned causes of my not receiving the 
nomination as a candidate ibr the Presidency in 
December, 1839. But if there be any one who 
doubts, or desires to obtain further information 
about my views, in respect to that unfortunate 
question, I refer him to Mr. Mendenhall, of 
Richmond, Indiana." 

It will be remembered, that, on the 1st Oct., 
1841, at Richmond, Indiana, Mr. Mendenhall, a 
prominent member of the abolition party, pre- 
sented a petition to Mr. Clay to manumit his 
slaves. After a brief appeal to his friends not 
to mob Mr. Mendenhall, nor offer him any vio- 
lence or indignity, Mr. Clay, addressing Mr. 
M., said: 

'Excuse me, Mr. Mendenhall, for saving, that 
my slaves are as well fed and clad, look as 
sleek and hearty, and are quite as civil and res- 
pectful in their demeanor, and are as little dis- 
posed to wound the feelings of any one, as you 
are. * * * * Go home and mind 
your own business, and leave other people to 
take care of theirs. * * * * I own 
about GO, (slaves) who are probably worth about 
fifteen thousand dollars. To turn them loose 
upon society, without any means of subsistence 
or support, would be an act of cruelty. Are you 
willing to raise and secure the payment of fif- 
teen thousand dollars for their benefit if I should 
free them 1 The security of the payment of that 
sum would materially lessen the obstacles in the 
way of their emancipation.' " 

From the Lexington Inquirer, 

Our readers will recollect our comments up- 



22 



Addenda to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



on an article in the Gazette, making such ado 
about "Whiggery courting Abolition." The 
direct appeal of the Gazette to Mr. Clay's be- 
nevolence, is met by him as such appeals always 
have been and always will be. 

We trust all fears and apprehensions will 
now be quieted. 

Ashland, Sept. 2d, 1844. 

The editor of a neighboring print, (the Ken- 
tucky Gazette, of Lexington,) calling my atten- 
tion to a letter of C. M. Clay, Esq., under date 
of the 10th July, 1844, and addressed to Col. J. 
J. Speed, of Ithaca, has appealed to me, with 
so much earnestness and with a purpose of such 
unaffected sincerity, to say whether 1 approve or 
disapprove of that letter, that I have not the 
heart to deny to that editor the very great grati- 
fication which he will derive from the perusal 
of this note, especially when it gives me so 
little trouble to write it. 

Mr. C. M. Clay's letter was written without 
my knowledge, without any consultation with 
me, and without any authority from me. I 
never saw it until I read it in the public prints. 
That gentleman is an independent citizen, hav- 
ing a perfect right to entertain and avow his 
own opinions. I am not responsible for them, as 
he is not for mine. So far as he ventures to 
interpret my feelings he has entirely miscon- 
ceived them. I believe him to be equally mis- 
taken as to those in the circle of my personal 
friends and neighbors generally. 

In my speech, addressed to the fcenate of the 
United States, and in resolutions which I offer- 
ed to that body, in my address to Mr. Menden- 
hall, about two years ago, and on various other 
public occasions, I have fully, freely, and ex- 
plicitly avowed my sentiments and opinions on 
the Institution of Slavery and Abolition. I ad- 
here to them, without any reservation. I have 
neither entertained nor expressed, publicly or 
privately, any others. And my friends and 
neighbors generally, so far as I have inter- 
changed sentiments with them, coincide with 
me. 

The sentiments and opinions so expressed by 
me, may be briefly stated to be : 1st. That Con- 
gress has no power or authority over the insti- 
tution of Slavery. 2d. That the existence, 
maintenance and continuance of that. Institu- 
tion, depend, exclusively, upon the power and 
authority of the respective States within which 
it is situated. And, 3d. That Congress cannot 
interfere with slavery in the District of Colum- 
bia, without a violation of good faith to the 
States of Maryland and Virginia, implied, if 
not expressed, in the terms, objects and purpo- 
ses of the grant of ten miles square to the Gen- 
eral Government. 

So far from the success of the "Whig cause 
having any injurious tendency, as has been al- 
leged, I believe it will have a powerful effect 
in tranquilizing and harmonizing all parts of 
the Union, and in giving confidence, strength 
and security to all the great interests of our 
country. 

I hope that your editorial neighbor will be 
now satisfied. And, as I trust that I do not ex- 



aggerate the pleasure which this renewed ex- 
pression of my views and opinions will give 
him, is it too much to anticipale that he will 
forthwith renounce the errors of his ways, and 
come straight out a staunch and sterling Whig. 
Yours, respectfully, 

H. CLAY. 



ADDENDA. 

Mr. Clay's Private Character. — The ma- 
ligners of Mr. Clay, having endeavored to stig- 
matize him as a gambler and a profligate, it is 
deemed proper to add to this speech the follow- 
ing testimonials from the Rev. Dr. H. B. Bas- 
com, the able and pious President of Transyl- 
vania University, at Lexington, Kentucky, liv- 
ing in the same city with Mr. Clay, and his in- 
timate and familiar friend. 

Letters from the Rev. H. B. Bascom, D. D., 
President of the Transylvania University, and 
one of the most eloquent and distinguished 
preachers of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
in reply to the Clay Club of Newark, N. J.: 

Newark, July 9th, 1844. 
Rev. Dr. Bascom, 

President of Transylvania University. 

Rev. and Dear Sir— You will, I trust, pardon 
the liberty I take in writing to you, when I 
state that my object is to ascertain from you 
some testimony concerning the private charac- 
ter of the Hon. Henry Clay. I do this at the 
solicitation of many conscientious, upright men, 
who appear to have been led to regard Mr. C. 
as any thing but an honest and upright citizen — 
a Sabbath breaker— gambler— profane swearer, 
&c. I would respectfully ask if these things 
be so. It is not my wish to draw from you a 
letter for publication, and no public use will be 
made of your answer, my object being to ascer- 
tain how far these representations which are 
constantly repeated by the Democratic papers 
of the North are warranted by truth. 

Your answer to the interrogatories will much 
oblige, Yours, very respectfullv, 

J. G. GOBLE, 
Cor. Sec. Clay Club. 

Transylvania University, ) 
Lexington,, Ku., July 24th, 184-1. $ 
My Dear Sir— In reply to your letter of the 
9th inst., I owe it to truth, virtue and the claims 
of society, without any reference to the political 
strifes of the day, to say, I have been in inti- 
mate and confidential intercourse with the Hon. 
H. Clay, both in public and private life, for more 
than twenty years, and know the charges enu- 
merated in' your letter against the private char- 
acter of Mr. Clay, to be utterly and basely false. 
Mr. Clay, as is known to the whole nation, of- 
fers no claim to Christian piety, in the parlance 
of our churches, but in view of the ordinary ac- 
credited principles of good moral character, no 
charge can be brought against him, without vio- 
lating the obligations of truth and sound justice. 
To each interrogative charge, therefore, con- 



Addenda to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



23 



tained in your letter, and reaching me in the 
shape of a question, 1 return for answer, that I 
regard one and all of them as shamefully unjust, 
because not true, in whole or in part. 
Very respectfully, 
Your ob't serv't, 

H. B.BASCOM. 
Dr. J. G. Goble. 

After this full, explicit, and unequivocal tes- 
timony of one oi the most distinguished divines 
of our country, we trust no reader can feel that 
there can be any further necessity of pursuing 
the reckless slanderers of Mr. Clay. It is due 
to Mr. B., perhaps, that his reply to the letter, 
asking permission to publish the above, should 
be added, and so here it is. 

Transylvania University, \ 
Lexington, (Ku.) August 7th, 18-11. $ 
My Dear Sir — In your letter of the 9th July, 
you called upon me. for information respecting 
the "private character" of my neighbor Mr. Clay, 
assuring me that "many conscientious, upright 
men," in your section, had been induced, by the 
representations of his enemies, to regard Mr. 
Clay as "any thing but an honest and upright > iti- 
zen — a Sabbath breaker — profane — gambler, c\-c." 
Your letter added, at the same time, that "no 
public use" would be made of my reply, should 
one be received from me. Thus appealed to, I 
expressed to you freely, in relation to the pri- 
vate character of Mr. Clay, what I regarded as 
due to him, to myself, and the community in 
which we live. I need scarcely add, that, 
called upon under similar circumstances, I 
should most cheerfully attest the good charac- 
ter of any of my neighbors, without reference to 
political relations or discussions, nor do I be- 
lieve any of them would hesitate calling on 
me, to this effect, should it be found necessary. 

In a second letter, just received from you, 
you ask permission to use my first at discretion, 
and as no injustice has been done to any one, 
by allowing you to do so, although my letter 
was written as private, I know of no good rea- 
son why I should withhold the permission you 
ask, and therefore accord it. 

Very respectfullv. 

H.'B. BASCOM. 

Dr. J. Goble. 

Mr. Clay's Standing at Home. — The Lin- 
coln Telegraph publishes the following extracts 
from a letter, recently written by the Rev. Dr. 
Nash, a distinguished divine of the Episcopal 
Church, who has resided for ten years near Mr. 
Clay, and who fully corroborates Dr. Bascom's 
statement in reference to Mr. Clay's character. 
The paragraphs quoted show conclusively how 
the great statesman is regarded by the moral 
and religious men of his own neighborhood 
and State, who know him best. The letter is 
dated 

"St. Albans, (Vt.) Aug. 24, 1844. 

"As a criterion of the estimation in which he 
is held at home, it will not be out of place to 
state here— which I do unhesitatingly, having 



had ample opportunities for ascertaining the 
truth — that Mr. Clay has the confidence and po- 
litical support of a very lar.'e proportion of tin' 
moral worth, and, I may add, of a very large 
majorityof the members of the different denomi- 
nations, residing in Lexington. All of these, I 
believe, with one exception, are the friends of 
Mr. Clay; and most of them are frequent visit- 
ers at his house. There are about twenty Epi 3- 
copal clergymen in Kentucky. All of these are 
the friends of Mr. Clay. I >f the one hundred 
and five or ten clergymen — I do not recollect 
the exact number — composing the last confer- 
ence of the Methodist Church of Kentucky, all 
but three, as I was informed by a member of 
the conference, are the political friends of Mr. 
Clay. I am not so accurately informed res- 
pecting the political opinions of the ministers of 
other denominations, as 1 am respecting the 
opinions of the ministers of the Episcopal 
Church; I am confident, however, that there is 
nearly, if not quite, as large a majority of these 
friendly to the election of Mr. Clay, as of those 
last mentioned. Out of the four or five hundred 
clergymen, of different denominations, in Ken- 
tucky, there are not, I am almost certain, fifty 
political opposers of Mr. Clay. 

"The opinion of a great majority of the reli- 
gious people (ministers and others) living in the 
neighborhood of, and immediately connected 
with, Mr. Clay, I am confident is, that if he is 
elected to the Presidency, there will be, while 
he continues President, a far healthier, moral 
influence around the Presidential chair, than 
there has been since J. Q.. Adams' administra- 
tion." 

Bargain and Corruption. — The following 
testimonials, from political friend and political 
foe, will dispose of this stale slander: 

"Testimony of Mr. Adams. — Upon him 
(Mr. Clay) the foulest slanders have been show- 
ered. Lon? known and appreciated, as suc- 
cessively a member of both Houses of your 
National Legislature, as the unrivalled speaker, 
and at the same time most efficient leader of 
debates in one of them ; as an able and suc- 
cessful negotiator for your interests, in war and 
in peace, with foreign powers, and as a power- 
ful candidate for the highest of your trusts, — 
the Department of State itself was a station 
which, by its bestowal, could confer neither 
profit nor honor upon him, but upon which he 
lias shed unfading honor by the manner in which 
he discharged its duties. Prejudice and pas- 
sion have charged him with obtaining that office 
by bargain and corruption. Before you, fellow 
citizens, in the presence of our country am 1 of Hea- 
ven, I PRONOUNCE THAT CHARGE TOTALLY UN- 
FOUNDED. This tribute of justice is due from 
me to him, and I seize with pleasure the oppor- 
tunity afforded me, by your letter, of dischar- 
ging the obligation." 

"Again, Mr. Adams, in his address in the 
Presbyterian Church at Maysville, in respond- 
ing to the declaration of Gen. Collins, 'that he 
[Mr. Adams] had placed Kentucky under deep 
and lasting obligations to him, for his noble de- 



24 



Addenda to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



fence of her great statesman, in his letter to the 
Whigs of New- Jersey,' replied as follows : 

'I thank you, sir, for the opportunity you have 
given me of speaking of the great statesman 
who was associated with me in the administra- 
tion of the General Government, at my earnest 
solicitation ; who belongs not to Kentucky alone 
but to the whole Union ; and is not only an 
honor to this State and this nation, but to man- 
kind. The charges to which you refer, I have, 
after my term of office had expired, and it was 
proper forme to speak, denied before the whole 
country; and I here reiterate and reaffirm that 
denial; and as I expect shortly to appear before 
my God, to answer ibr the conduct of my whole 
life, should these charges have found their way to the 
Throne of Eternal Justice, I WILL, IN 'THE 
PRESENCE OF OMNIPOTENCE, PRO- 
NOUNCE THEM FALSE,' " 

Testimony of General James Hamilton, 
Junr. — "It would, in my humble opinion, 
have been an act of supererogation on the 
part of Mr. Clay, to have made a bargain 
for what, by the force and gravity of political 
causes and geographical considerations, was 
inevitably his, without either his crime or 
his participation — an offer of a seat in Mr. 
Adams' cabinet. In accepting it, I have 
always understood he acted in conformity with 
the advice of some of the most influential sup- 
porters of Mr. Crawford, whose friends then 
occupied a position of neutrality between the 
two great parties of Gen. Jackson and Mr. 
Adams, although they soon after, it is true, be- 
came belligerents on our side. I sincerely be- 
lieve that Mr. Clay's acceptance of the office 
that subjected him to such obloquy, was the re- 
sult of a sense of duty which he owed to the 
country, to aid, by his counsels, him whom he 
had assisted to place in power. He certainly 
relinquished, in [accepting] the Department of 
State, a position in the House of Representa- 
tives, far more desirable, and of more influence 
and authority, which was much better adapted 
to the peculiar and transcendant vein of his 
signal ability for distinction in a popular as- 
sembly. 

"I know that this view of the case runs coun- 
ter to the opinions of my old chief, (who, if he 
puts himself at the head of the annexation 
movement will be my chief again,) and those of 
many esteemed friends, with whom 1 was proud- 
ly and victoriously associated in the struggle of 
182S and '29. But they must pardon me for ad- 
hering to an opinion, (however valueless) long 
since entertained and frequently expressed. 
And now, when I have no sort of connection 
with any party in the country, (except on one 
isolated question, associated, as I believe, with 
the best interests of the whole Union, and the 
vital security of the South,) I hope I may be 
allowed, without any impeachment of my own 
motives, and certainly with no adhesion, either 
expressed or implied, to the politics of Mr. Clay, 
to do justice, as far as my humble opinion can 
afford it, to his public reputation and his unsul- 
lied personal honor." 



TESTIMONIAL OF JOHN RANDOLPH IN 
FAVOR OF HENRY CLAY. 

"An Interesting Incident. — Charles James 
Faulkner, Esq., in his speech, at Gerardstown, 
on the 3d ult., while commenting in eloquent 
and indignant terms upon the movements of the 
Disunionists at the South, related an incident in 
the life of John Randolph, so creditable to the 
magnanimity of that celebrated man, and so 
just and honorable to the fame of Henry Clay, 
that we have deemed it worthy of being pre- 
served and placed before the public. It is 
well known that the personal relations between 
these two remarkable men were not of the 
kindest character, but unfortunately the reverse. 
It is equally well known, that as politicians 
they were invariably arrayed against each 
other — the opposition of Mr. Randolph at times 
assuming the most virulent character, as in 
1812-13 — previous to and during the war — and 
whilst Mr. Clay was Secretary of State. And 
yet, in the last public address ever made to the 
people — in a speech in the County of Bucking- 
ham — during the pendency of that fearful strug- 
gle, between the State of South-Carolina and 
the Federal Government, when one rash and 
indiscreet act of violence might have involved 
this country in the horrors of civil war, and led 
to the dismemberment of the Confederacy — and 
when every patriotic eye watched the progress 
of events with the deepest solicitude — the op- 
portunity occurred which that gentleman avail- 
ed himself of to do justice to the character of 
his great and distinguished opponent. In the 
course of his speech he is reported to have said : 

'Gentlemen, I am filled with the most gloomy 
apprehensions for the fate of the Union. I can- 
not express to you how deeply I am penetrated 
with a sense of the danger which at this moment 
threatens its existence. If Madison filled the 
Executive chair he might be bullied into some 
compromise. If Monroe was in power, he 
might be coaxed into some adjustment of this 
difficulty. But Jackson is obstinate, headstrong, 
and fond of fight. I fear matters must come to 
an open rupture. If so, this Union is gone.' 
Then pausing for near a minute, raising his fin- 
ger in that emphatic manner so peculiar to his 
action as a speaker, and seeming, as it were, to 
breathe more freely, he continued — 'There is 
one man, and one man only, who can save this 
Union. That man is Henry Clay. I know 

HE HAS THE POWER — I BELIEVE HE WILL BE 
FOUND TO HAVE THE PATRIOTISM AND FIRMNESS 
EQUAL TO THE OCCASION.' 

"Shortly after this, Mr. Randolph proceeded 
on through Washington to Philadelphia, where 
in the course of a few months he died. He ar- 
rived in the former city after the Compromise 
Bill had passed. Deeply impressed with the 
great and valuable service, which Mr. Clay had 
just rendered the country, he had himself con- 
veyed to the Senate Chamber, then too plainly 
exhibiting, in his face and appearance, the rav- 
ages of that fatal disease to which he was so 
soon to fall a victim, where these two brilliant 
rival orators and prodigally gifted favorites of 



Addenda to the Speech of Mr. Yeadon, at Madison, Geo. 



25 



nature met for the last time. As Mr. Clay ap- 
proached to salute him, Mr. Randolph said: 

'Mr. Clay, you perceive I am dying. Yes, 
sir, I am dying, but, thank God, I have strength 
enough yet left to return you my poor acknow- 
ledgments for having saved the Union.' 

"This incident, we understood Mr. Faulkner 
to say, he derived, during a recent visit to the 
city of Richmond, from Thomas Miller, of 
Powhatan, a gentleman of high character — 
one who for many years enjoyed the intimacy 
and friendship of Mr. Randolph, and upon 
whose accuracy the utmost reliance could be 
placed. 

"The relation of this interesting incident, in 
the life of Mr. Randolph, by Mr. Faulkner, pro- 
duced a marked effect upon his audience, and 
seemed to inspire the speaker himself with an 
increased love for the Union, and its great de- 
fender, Henry Clay." — Martinsbur g ( Va.) Gaz. 

Democratic Abuse and Profanity. — The 
following specimen will show the ruffian and 
profane warfare, waged against the Whig can- 
didates. 

A Design, to illustrate the character of the Whig 

Pari ii '. 

At the top of the sheet, put the name 

"WHIG PARTY." 

Under this, place the figure of a double man, 
with a face each way ; one side representing 
Henry Clay, with a pistol in one hand and a 
pack of cards in the other: and the other repre- 
senting Theodore Frelinghuysen, with a Bible 
in his hand. Below, put the words — 
"We fight with both carnal and spirit alw 

Under this, divide the sh set into two columns. 
On the Left put a cut representing Henry Clay 
shooting a fellow-man in a duel; on the right, 
Frelinghuysen praying for sinners. 

Below this, Clay at the card table, playing a 
game of brag; and Frelin§ huysen at the Com- 
munion Table, part; king of the Sacrament. 

Then, Clay in a brothel, kissing the lewd wo- 
men, and Frelinghuysen amid his pious sisters 
in a prayer-meeting. 

Clay looking on while his overseer whips a 
negro man, and Frelinghuysen walking arm-in 
arm with a black dandy. 

The who! r persed with appropri- 

ate sayings from the mouths of the two candi- 
and concluded by a grand procession of 
WHIG Clergymen who support the Ticket, 
escorting their JUGGERNAUT, Henry Clay, 
in the shape of Old Nick, to the Temple of 
Civil Power; while Frelinghuysen, withangels' 
wings on, sits beside him on the same car, v ith 
this motto:— "OUR HEAVEN IS POWER, 
THOUGH THE DEVIL BE ITS GOD."— 
Ki ndaU's Expositor. 

POLITICAL SUMMERSETS. 

After Mr. Calhoun, his editor and his fol- 
followers, had gone over "hoi e, fool and dra- 
goons" to Mr. Van Buren and his party, which 
Mr. C. had shortly before denounced as a sel 
of "rogues and royalists, held together only by 
the cohesive power of public plunder," and to 
4 



the Sub-Treasury policy, which his editor and 
man Friday had, only "a little month" before, 
denounced as "a humbug," and "a scheme to 
put the money of the Government in the Presi- 
dent's Breeches pocket," the '7ti Association 
and Revolution Societies, (botli exclusively 
composed of Nullifiers and Calhounites), which 
had, in 1835 or I83ti, when Mr. C. was a Whig, 
resolved themselves into one body, under the 
name of "The Whig Association," followed 
their file leader in his sub-Treasury <summerset, 
doiied the Whig gait;, and relapsed into the '"7G 
Association." 

When, in his rabid mood of Whiggery, "the 
Editor of the Mercury," now a patent democrat, 
wrote thus of Mr. Van Buren: 

" Martin Van Buren is the spawn of Jack- 
sou's tyranny — the successor to Jackson's usur- 
pation — the fabric of 'the simple machine' into 
which the hero retrenched the government" — 
"brought into power on the servile shoulders of 
the subservient democracy, and unworthy the 
support, therefore, of any freeman." ! ! ! 

The following testimony shows also what Mr. 
Calhoun and Mr. M'Dume once thought of the 
party with whom they are now associated. 

' from a Speech delivered by Mr. Calhoun, 
in Pendleton, S. C, in 1836. 
"The foe is in the bosom of the country, and 
in possession of the Government. Apow rful 
faction, [party U cannot b \ called,] held together by 
Ihi hopes of public pkimder, and marching under a 
bannt r wh reon is writU n 'to the victors belong the 
spoils,' has made successful war on our institutions, 
<i>ul concerted, all the poioer and, mfiuence of the 
Government into instruments of gain. Ampler 
means for this purpose were scarcely ever pla- 
ced in the hands of a dominant faction. With 
available means five times greater than is re- 
quired by the legitimate wants of the country; 
with th,e administration of a boundless public 
domain; with unlimited control, till the passage 
of the deposite bill, over the public funds, and 
through them over the currency and banking 
institutions of the country; with one hundred 
thousand dependants on the bounty of the Gov- 
ernment ; and, finally, with an organized, rigid 
and severe system of discipline, having its cen- 
tre in Washington, and extending in every di- 
rection over the wide circle of the country, a 
scene of speculation and corruption has been 
opened, reaching trom the Capitol to the ex- 
tremities, embracing the high and the low, 
those in and those out of office, the like of 
which has scarcely ever existed under the most 
despotic and profligate Governments. It is this 
powerful and corrupt combination, in actual 
possession of the Government, against which 
the honest and patriotic have now to wage 
war." 

R ply of Mr. M'Dvffie toon invitation to a Fourth 

of July Dinn r. 

"Cherry Bill, July 4, 1837. 

Gentlemen : — Being unexpectedly called off 

this morning, it will be out of my power to unite 

with you in commemorating the anniversary of 

our independence. However gratifying it would 

be to me to mingle with my friends and neigh- 



Addenda to the Speech of Mr. Ycadon, at Madison, Geo. 



now, that if the Compromise had not passed, at the 
next session of Congress all traces of that policy 
would have been effaced from the statute booh. 

You and I both maintained that the measure of 
protection, preserved by the Compromise would be 
sufficient, until about 1842. But we were taunted 
by our opponents, to now what would be its con- 
dition when the period arrived. We replied, there 
were the home valuation, eash duties, a long list of 
free articles, &c. But I said, also, let us take care 
of ourselves now ; the people of 1842 may be trust- 
ed to take care of themselves. Public opinion, in 
the meantime, may become more enlightened, and 
the wisdom of the protective policy may be demon- 
strated. I have not been disappointed. My pre- 
dictions have been fulfilled. 

/ thought we achieved a great triumphin placing 
the Protective policy, by the Compromise act, with- 
out the reach and beyond the term of Gen. Jack- 
son's administration. And we availed ourselves 
of the fact that the South- Carolina. Delegation 
were much more anxious thai the difficulty should 
be settled by us than by Gen. Jackson." 

Now this is very nearly identical with what Mr. 
Clay said, in his speech, contemporaneous with the 
Compromise Bill, of which he was the father. 

Mr. Webster and Mr. Dallas, having opposed 
the Compromise, as too unfavorable to the manu- 
facturers, and indeed abandoning the protective 
principle, and being desirous to give us the Force 
Bill without the Compromise, the thunder-bolt 
without the olive-branch, Mr. Clay, in reply, said : 
"The pledge, by which the Senator from Massa- 
chusetts supposed the constitutional power of pro- 
tection to be surrendered, he did not consider as 
anything more than a suggestion of the wishes of 
the parties to the compromise at this time. There 

WAS NOTHING IN IT THAT WOULD BIND US OR 
OUR SUCCESSORS, OR IN ANY WAY RESTRICT THE 
CONSTITUTIONAL POWER OF DISCRIMINATION. 
THE CONSTITUTION WAS OUT OF THE REACH 
OF ALL SUCH ATTEMPTS. * * * * * 

He was suprised at the suggestion of the Senator 
that there was no occurrence within the las! six 
months which shows that the protective system is in 
danger. The issue of numerous elections, the 
President's recommendations, the general tone of 
public feeling, and the whole power and influence 
of the dominant party, endanger the continuance 
of the system. Tlie footing, on which the adminis- 
tration would place the tariff, was infinitely less 
favorable to the protective interests than this bill- 
He saw a torch applied to the system, 
and he had attempted to snatch it away. 
* * * * He objected to the entire ar- 
gument of the Senator that he proceeded forward 



to the year 1842, and undertook to prophecy the 
results of the bill in that distant year. * * * 

He WOULD PREFER TO LEAVE THE MATTER TO 

the Congress of 1842. * * * He 
contended that the bill did not surren- 
DER THE PRINCIPLE OF PROTECTION. It was 

effectually secured for nine years, when it was 
brought down to something like what the Southern 
States demanded [i. e. a revenue adjusted to the 
economical wants of the government]. * * * 
The South had given up as much as the North in 
the bill and a perfect eqiiality of concession had 
been arrived at- * * * * The Senator 
chooses to say that my proposition is seconded by 
the Senator from South-Carolina, and that it is 
supported by two opposite extremes. * * * 
If he be not altogether opposed to an adjustment 
of the question by Compromise — and he assures 
us he is not — in what other manner would he effect 
an adjustments He (Mr- C) had urged the pro- 
position as a measure of mutual concession — o/"l 
peace, of harmony. He wanted to see no 

CIVIL WARS — NO SACKED CITIES — NO EMBAT- 
TLED ARMIES — NO STREAMS OF AMERICAN 
BLOOD, SHED BY AMERICAN ARMS." 

That Mr. Clay had good ai;d substantial reason 
fur taking this noble and patriot stand, in favor of 
concession and peace, is fully established by the 
information, for the first time made public, by the 
Hon. James S. Rhett, of this .city, in his recent 
democratic speech made at Savannah, little sus- 
pecting that he was thereby magnifying the claims 
of Mr. Clay to the gratitude and the honors of 
South-Carolina, the South, and the whole nation, 
by showing that he (Mr. C.) had indeed saved South- 
Carolina from inglorious submission at the point of 
the bayonet, to Gen. Coffee and 50,000 troops, or 
her and the South and the Union from a horrible 
and bloody civil and fratricidal war. 

In looking at the alleged violation of the Com- 
promise, due regard also should be had to the fact, 
that it was accompanied by Mr. Clay's Land Bill, 
which passed the Senate by a decisive vote, and the 
House by Yeas 96, Nays 40, and was to have af- 
forded some equivalent or compensation to the 
tariff party for their concessions on that subject, 
and which was pocketed and smothered by Presi- 
dent Jackson (there not being ten days of the ses- 
sion left to put an end to his constitutional delibe- 
ration on the bill), with the full knowledge, that, if 
returned with his veto, it would have been passed by 
two-thirds of both branches of Congress. And 
this Land Bill, thus smothered by Gen. Jackson, 
has ever since been opposed by Mr. Calhoun and 
his party. 



LE D '10 



